Rezultati kvantitativnih i bibliometrijskih istraživanja, kao i odluke koje na temelju tih rezultata mogu proizaći i utjecati na određene politike, uvelike ovise o kvaliteti ulaznih podataka preuzetih iz bibliografskih i citatnih baza. Ova je tvrdnja izravno povezana s velikim brojem bibliometrijskih i scientometrijskih istraživanja koja nekritički preuzimaju podatke iz bibliografskih i citatnih baza WoS – Web of Science ili Scopus. U ovome istraživanju, koje je rađeno u okviru hrvatskoga nacionalnog projekta Research activity, collaboration and orientation in social sciences in Croatia and other post-socialist European countries – RACOSS, voditeljice dr. sc. Maje Jokić, analizirana je uloga klasifikacijskoga sustava kod preuzimanja i obrade podataka, odnosno donošenja zaključaka. Preuzeti bibliografski zapisi, objavljeni u 4 896 časopisa, rezultat su strategije pretraživanja znanstvene produktivnosti i citiranosti znanstvenika iz društvenih znanosti u 15 europskih postsocijalističkih zemlja (Bugarska, Hrvatska, Češka, Estonija, Mađarska, Latvija, Litva, Poljska, Rumunjska, Slovačka, Slovenija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Sjeverna Makedonija, Crna Gora i Srbija) od 1996. do 2013. godine. Scopus svoju klasifikaciju znanosti temelji na predmetnoj i sadržajnoj orijentaciji indeksiranih časopisa. Različitost klasifikacijskoga sustava koji koristi Scopusovu klasifikaciju određene zemlje može dovesti do krive interpretacije na temelju prikupljenih podataka. U radu smo napravili analizu časopisa i radova, a usporedna analiza pripadnosti pojedinoga časopisa području društvenih znanosti rađena je na temelju Scopusa i hrvatske klasifikacije društvenih znanosti, koja se temelji na OECD Frascati fields of science. Nakon što su predmetni stručnjaci provjerili časopise i usporedili ih s klasifikacijskim sustavom koji se koristi u Hrvatskoj, početni uzorak za pouzdane bibliometrijske analize smanjio se na udio od 44 %. Pripadnost pojedinomu području rađena je na temelju predmetne i sadržajne orijentacije indeksiranih časopisa. Da bi se dobili radovi koji pripadaju samo društvenim znanostima, potrebno je, osim filtriranja pojedinih znanstvenih polja, i ručno provjeriti pripadnost časopisa određenomu području. Tako se, osim bitno manjega broja radova i časopisa, pojavila i bitna razlika i u citiranosti. Cilj je ovoga istraživanja upozoriti istraživače na moguće i stvarne nedostatke ulaznih podataka koji se koriste za vrjednovanje na primjeru uzorka baze Scopus, koja je relativno pouzdan izvor podataka za bibliometrijska istraživanja. ; Results of quantitative and bibliometric research, as well as decisions that might be made on the basis of those results and influence on certain policies, greatly depend on the quality of input data downloaded from bibliometric and citation databases. This assertion is directly connected to a high number of bibliometric and scientometric research that uncritically download data from bibliographic and citation databases, WoS – Web of Science or Scopus. This research, which has been conducted in the framework of the Croatian national project Research activity, collaboration and orientation in social sciences in Croatia and other post-socialist European countries – RACOSS, lead by Maja Jokic, PhD, analyzes the role of the classification system in downloading and processing data, i.e. making conclusions. Bibliographic records, downloaded in the period from 1996 to 2013, published in 4896 journals, represent the result of strategy on searching the scientific productivity and citation index of social scientists from 15 European post-socialist countries (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia). Classification of science by Scopus is based on the subject and content orientation of indexed journals. Diversity of classification system that uses the Scopus classification of a certain country can cause wrong interpretation on the basis of collected data. In this paper we made the analysis of journals and papers, and contrastive analysis of a certain journal affiliation to the field of social sciences was made on the basis of Scopus and Croatian classification of social sciences based on OECD Frascati fields of science. After the experts in this area had checked the journals and compared them to the classification system used in Croatia, the initial sample for reliable bibliometric analyses decreased to the portion of 44%. Affiliation to a certain field was made on the basis of the subject and content orientation of the indexed journals. Besides filtration of scientific fields, it is necessary to check the affiliation of a journal to the certain field by hand in order to get papers that belong only to social sciences. In this way there appeared a significant difference in the citation index additionally to lower number of papers and journals. The aim of this research is to warn researchers to possible and real deficiencies of input data used for evaluation on the example of the Scopus database, which is relatively reliable source of data for bibliometric research.
U radu se problematizira izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Članak ističe specifičnost regionalističkih stranaka i potrebu njihove zasebne klasifikacije u odnosu na etnoregionalističke i etničke stranke. Ova komparativna analiza prati nastanak i izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u hrvatskom i srpskom stranačkom sustavu tijekom četvrt stoljeća. Pri analizi razlika u uspjehu hrvatskih i srbijanskih regionalističkih stranaka, stavlja se naglasak na kontekstualni okvir (narav stranačkog natjecanja, izborni model), kao i na društvene čimbenike (etnički i vjerski sastav) te povijesne faktore (naslijeđe centralizacije, odnosno autonomije). Članak tvrdi kako je kombinacija kontekstualnih, društvenih i povijesnih čimbenika stvorila bolje preduvjete za razvoj regionalizma u hrvatskom slučaju te omogućila snažniji izborni uspjeh negoli u Srbiji. ; This article discusses the electoral success of regional parties in Croatia and Serbia. The article emphasizes the specificity of regional parties and the need for a separate classification in relation to ethno-regional and ethnic parties. This comparative analysis follows the emergence and electoral success of regional parties in the Croatian and Serbian party system over a quarter century. By analyzing the difference in the success of Croatian and Serbian regional parties, the emphasis is put on contextual framework (the nature of party competition, electoral model), as well as social factors (ethnic and religious composition) and historical factors (the legacy of centralization or autonomy). Article argues that the combination of contextual, social and historical factors created better conditions for the development of regionalism in the Croatian case and allowed electoral success stronger than in Serbia.
Posljednjih godina svjedočimo buđenju ekološke svijesti općenito, kako u svijetu tako i u Europi. No kako to Europska unija upravlja svojim financijskim sektorom i usmjerava ga ka održivosti? Na koji način ona provodi "pozelenjivanje" svog financijskog sektora? Odgovori na to su sljedeći. Europska je unija krenula od uzroka. Kratkoročna ulaganja nisu povoljna kao dugoročna ulaganja kada govorimo o održivosti. Trend kratkoročnih ulaganja puno je privlačniji od dugoročnih ulaganja u Europi, stoga je Europska unija odlučila promijeniti dosadašnje trendove kroz veću transparentnost zelenih investicija i njihovu klasifikacija kroz sustav taksonomije zajedno sa standardom zelenih obveznica. Sve to u cilju postizanja, prvenstveno, Pariškog klimatskog sporazuma, a potom postizanja glavnog cilja, odnosno klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. ; In recent years, we are witnessing the rise of environmental awareness, both on the global and European levels. But how does the European Union manage its financial sector and steers it towards sustainability? How is it implementing greening in its financial sector? This thesis attempts the answer these guestions by explaining recent EU policy developments. The European Union decided to address some of the main problems. For instance, short-term investments are not as favorable as long-term investments when it comes to sustainability. Short-term investments are much more attractive than long-term investments in Europe, so the European Union has decided to change the current trends through greater transparency of green investments and their classification through the taxonomy system together with the green bond standard. All this in order to achieve, primarily, the Paris Climate Agreement, and then to achieve the main goal, that is climate neutrality by 2050.
Posljednjih godina svjedočimo buđenju ekološke svijesti općenito, kako u svijetu tako i u Europi. No kako to Europska unija upravlja svojim financijskim sektorom i usmjerava ga ka održivosti? Na koji način ona provodi "pozelenjivanje" svog financijskog sektora? Odgovori na to su sljedeći. Europska je unija krenula od uzroka. Kratkoročna ulaganja nisu povoljna kao dugoročna ulaganja kada govorimo o održivosti. Trend kratkoročnih ulaganja puno je privlačniji od dugoročnih ulaganja u Europi, stoga je Europska unija odlučila promijeniti dosadašnje trendove kroz veću transparentnost zelenih investicija i njihovu klasifikacija kroz sustav taksonomije zajedno sa standardom zelenih obveznica. Sve to u cilju postizanja, prvenstveno, Pariškog klimatskog sporazuma, a potom postizanja glavnog cilja, odnosno klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. ; In recent years, we are witnessing the rise of environmental awareness, both on the global and European levels. But how does the European Union manage its financial sector and steers it towards sustainability? How is it implementing greening in its financial sector? This thesis attempts the answer these guestions by explaining recent EU policy developments. The European Union decided to address some of the main problems. For instance, short-term investments are not as favorable as long-term investments when it comes to sustainability. Short-term investments are much more attractive than long-term investments in Europe, so the European Union has decided to change the current trends through greater transparency of green investments and their classification through the taxonomy system together with the green bond standard. All this in order to achieve, primarily, the Paris Climate Agreement, and then to achieve the main goal, that is climate neutrality by 2050.
Demografske značajke poput opadanja fertiliteta, starenja stanovništva, migracija, transformacija strukture i funkcija obitelji najvažniji su demografski problemi s kojima se susreće Europska unija, a utječu na gospodarske i socijalne probleme, a samim time i na način provođenja aktivne demografske politike. Kako bi ostvarili glavi cilj ovog rada, grupiranje članica Europske unije u homogene grupe (klastere) s obzirom na njihova demografska obilježja, provedena je multivarijacijska Cluster analiza. Provedenom analizom ustanovljeno je da se optimalno rješenje javlja kod klasificiranja u 9 klastera, jer dolazi do pojave stabilnih rezultata bez obzira na smanjenje broja kriterija klasificiranja. Također, zaključuje se da čak 15 od 28 zemalja članica Europske unije tvori jedan klaster, a Njemačka, Francuska, Italija, Luksemburg i Velika Britanija tvore zasebne klastere. Ovih 5 zemalja ujedno su i zemlje u kojima je zatražen najveći broj azila, a većina tih zemalja ubraja se i među osnivačice Europske unije. Isto tako, sve zemalje koje su se istaknule s visokim BDP-om po stanovniku, nisu se izdvojile kao zasebne. ; Demographic features such as decline in fertility, aging of the population, migration, transformation of the structure and function of the family are the most important demographic problems in the European Union, affecting economic and social problems, and thus in the way of active demographic policy. In order to achieve the goal of this paper, the grouping of EU members into homogeneous groups (clusters) with regard to their demographic characteristics, multivariate Cluster analysis was carried out. The analysis showed that the optimal solution occurs during the classifying in the 9 clusters, because of stable results despite the number of classification criteria being reduced. It is also concluded that 15 of the 28 member states of the European Union form one cluster, and Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and United Kingdom form separate clusters. These five countries are also the countries with the ...
Demografske značajke poput opadanja fertiliteta, starenja stanovništva, migracija, transformacija strukture i funkcija obitelji najvažniji su demografski problemi s kojima se susreće Europska unija, a utječu na gospodarske i socijalne probleme, a samim time i na način provođenja aktivne demografske politike. Kako bi ostvarili glavi cilj ovog rada, grupiranje članica Europske unije u homogene grupe (klastere) s obzirom na njihova demografska obilježja, provedena je multivarijacijska Cluster analiza. Provedenom analizom ustanovljeno je da se optimalno rješenje javlja kod klasificiranja u 9 klastera, jer dolazi do pojave stabilnih rezultata bez obzira na smanjenje broja kriterija klasificiranja. Također, zaključuje se da čak 15 od 28 zemalja članica Europske unije tvori jedan klaster, a Njemačka, Francuska, Italija, Luksemburg i Velika Britanija tvore zasebne klastere. Ovih 5 zemalja ujedno su i zemlje u kojima je zatražen najveći broj azila, a većina tih zemalja ubraja se i među osnivačice Europske unije. Isto tako, sve zemalje koje su se istaknule s visokim BDP-om po stanovniku, nisu se izdvojile kao zasebne. ; Demographic features such as decline in fertility, aging of the population, migration, transformation of the structure and function of the family are the most important demographic problems in the European Union, affecting economic and social problems, and thus in the way of active demographic policy. In order to achieve the goal of this paper, the grouping of EU members into homogeneous groups (clusters) with regard to their demographic characteristics, multivariate Cluster analysis was carried out. The analysis showed that the optimal solution occurs during the classifying in the 9 clusters, because of stable results despite the number of classification criteria being reduced. It is also concluded that 15 of the 28 member states of the European Union form one cluster, and Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and United Kingdom form separate clusters. These five countries are also the countries with the ...
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
Ulaganje u istraživanje i razvoj stvara preduvjete za primjenu naprednije i bolje tehnologije. Omogućuje uvođenje novih proizvoda ili proizvodnih procesa koji mogu rezultirati većom zaradom i potencijalnim ekonomskim rastom. Istraživanje i razvoj katalizator su za generiranje agregatnih ekonomskih aktivnosti, no njihova važnost nije široko istražena na regionalnoj razini. Europska unija definirala je strategije u kojima se inovacije smatraju bitnim elementom za poticanje rasta i otvaranje novih radnih mjesta. Cilj ovog rada je utvrditi i mjeriti utjecaj ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj na gospodarski rast lučkih regija. Podaci korišteni u ovom istraživanju su panel podaci lučkih regija Europske unije za klasifikaciju NUTS 2 u razdoblju od 2005. do 2015. Rezultati generalizirane metode momenata (GMM) i njenog procjenitelja u dva koraka pokazuju da ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj imaju značajan utjecaj na gospodarski rast lučkih regija u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, kako bi se inovacije usvojile i primijenile, također je potrebno da regije imaju određenu ekonomsku strukturu koja je dodatno analizirana u ovom radu. Regije s velikim inovacijskim kapacitetom stvaraju veće ekonomske koristi i smatra se da rastu brže od ostalih regija. ; Investment in research and development (R&D) creates preconditions for the implementation of more advanced and better technologies. It enables the introduction of new products or production processes which can result in higher earnings and potential economic growth. Even though research and development is a catalyst for the genesis of aggregate economic activity, its importance is not widely researched at regional levels. The European Union has defined strategies which view innovation as an essential element in stimulating growth and job creation. The aim of this paper is to establish and measure the impact of investment in R&D on economic growth of port regions. The data used in this research were panel data of the European Union's port regions for NUTS 2 classification for the ...
Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.
Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...
Promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja (VO) u globalnom kontekstu javna se sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti. Internacionalizacija može predstavljati komparativnu prednost sveučilišta, koja razvijena kroz specifičnu inovativnu stratešku odrednicu (nišu), može postati osnova sveučilišne politike koja se provodi i implementira u različitim policy arenama. Što je sveučilište inovativnije u izboru i razvijanju ove specifične niše, ono ima veće razvojne mogućnosti te postaje kompetitivnije. Cilj je ovoga doktorskoga rada istražiti utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta. Pritom se u glavnoj tezi rada tvrdi da se promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja u globalnom kontekstu javna sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti (npr. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001) ali pritom odabiru različite specifične strategije (niše) internacionalizacije, dok se u postavljenoj hipotezi kaže da razlike između nacionalnih konteksta i načina na koji države upravljaju financijskom i ekonomskom krizom utječu na razlike u strategijama internacionalizacije pojedinih javnih europskih sveučilišta. Nacionalni kontekst pritom obuhvaća različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države u kojoj sveučilište djeluje, što sve utječe na razlike u nacionalnim strategijama internacionalizacije i strategijama koje u ovom području razvijaju javna sveučilišta. Budući da u literaturi ne postoji opće prihvaćena definicija globalizacije, internacionalizacije i europeizacije u području visokoga obrazovanja, niti suglasje o njihovom međusobnom odnosu te indikatorima koji ih determiniraju, provođenju komparativne analize triju studija slučaja u svrhu istraživanja utjecaja globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta u ovom je doktorskom radu prethodilo empirijsko istraživanje putem delfi metode među stručnjacima širom svijeta. Minimalne definicije triju pojmova i indikatori globalizacije i internacionalizacije u području VO-a, dobiveni empirijskim istraživanjem provedenim putem delfi metode na temelju konsenzusa među ekspertima, poslužili su kao osnova komparativne analize triju studija slučaja (tri sveučilišta – Beč, Lausanne, Granada; u trima državama – Austrija, Švicarska, Španjolska), koja je provedena na temelju istraživačkog modela posebno osmišljenog za potrebe ovoga doktorskoga rada. Na temelju uvida dobivenih komparacijom triju studija slučaja u radu je utvrđen utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta, čime je potvrđena glavna teza ovoga doktorskoga rada. Također, analizom je utvrđeno i da su različiti nacionalni sustavi VO-a i specifične VO institucije na različit način odgovorili na promjene nastale djelovanjem faktora s globalne i međunarodne razine, koje se vezuju uz zadnji val globalizacije. Sukladno tome, moguće je reći i da su različitosti u prilagodbi ovim promjenama utjecale i na različitost sveučilišnih politika internacionalizacije te na različitost strateških dokumenata koje su u ovom području razvila tri analizirana sveučilišta. S obzirom na činjenicu da se nacionalni kontekst u hipotezi vezivao uz različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države, zbog čega je u analizi trebalo provjeriti je li moguće utvrditi poveznice između specifičnih strateških odrednica (niša) internacionalizacije u ovom području na Sveučilištu u Beču s tradicijom i politikom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, na Sveučilištu u Lausanni s politikom neutralnosti, a na Sveučilištu u Granadi sa španjolskom kolonijalnom politikom prema Sjevernoj Africi, na temelju analize ovakva izravna poveznica u službenim dokumentima nije utvrđena. Ipak, kroz intervjue i boravak u trima sveučilišnim sredinama, utvrđeno je da je specifične strateške odrednice internacionalizacije moguće vezivati uz pojedine karakteristike koje se mogu smatrati povijesnim, kulturalnim i tradicijskim 'ostacima' ili tekovinama spomenutih koncepata, koji su danas, pretvoreni u nova, suvremena obilježja, ipak prisutni u samoj srži triju sveučilišta. Zaključno, kroz uvide dobivene komparativnim istraživanjem putem istraživačkog modela utvrđen je utjecaj financijske i ekonomske krize na sveučilišta u Španjolskoj, što je onda bilo moguće povezati i s provedbom sveučilišne politike u području internacionalizacije te aktivnostima i inicijativama Sveučilišta u Granadi u okviru strategije internacionalizacije, što se posebno očituje kroz izrazitu okrenutost programima za koje postoji osigurano financiranje na EU razini (npr. Erasmus+ program). Suprotno tome, uvidima nije utvrđeno postojanje utjecaja financijske i ekonomske krize na strategije internacionalizacije Sveučilišta u Beču i Sveučilišta u Lausanni te na njihovo djelovanje u ovom području. ; Although according to the opinion of many researchers universities have been among the most globalised institutions (Marginson and Considine, 2000: 8) historically, in last decades universities have had to adapt to many changes under the pressure of the last wave of globalisation (e.g. increased competitiveness, high importance of rankings, new forms of international activities, use of new communication technologies in teaching and learning, etc.). The processes that universities use to adapt to the pressure of globalisation tend to include: new strategic determinants and policies, new organisational and governance models in order to achieve greater competitiveness and better rankings results, the search for alternative and additional sources of financing due to the decrease in public funding allocation, the development of new concepts and activities with an international dimension, the establishment of new partnerships, the development of various models for international collaboration, etc. (for example, see publications by Frølich, Gornitzka, Kehm, Knight, Maassen, Neave, Stensaker, Teichler, Van der Wende, etc.). The aim of this PhD thesis is to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities. This primarily includes verifying the main thesis that by changing the paradigm of higher education (HE) in the global context, public universities are increasingly turning to the development of international activities (eg. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001), but they choose different internationalisation strategies. Internationalisation can be a comparative advantage of the university which, developed through specific innovative strategic orientation (niche), becomes the framework for the official university policy implemented in different political arenas and communicated to stakeholders at all levels. This niche can be based on tradition, culture and the historical role of the state in which the university operates. More the university becomes innovative in the selection and development of this niche, it gets better development opportunities and it can achieve greater global competitiveness. Therefore, this project is secondly oriented on verifying the hypothesis that differences between national contexts xi (tradition, culture and historical role of the state) and the ways in which countries manage the economic and financial crisis, affect the different selection of internationalisation strategies of European public universities. Since scientific understanding of internationalisation have changed over time, this term is today widely understood as a broad umbrella term that covers many dimensions, components, approaches and activities (de Wit and Hunter, 2015: 45). However, in the literature there is no specific answer what is exactly globalisation in HE, what are the pressures of globalisation in HE field, what do we mean by the internationalisation of universities and where and how does Europeanisation fit in. Literature has offered various definitions of these three terms and their mutual relations (for example, see publications by Altbach, de Wit, Knight, Marginson, Rhodes, Robertson, Scott, Stromquist, Sawir, Teichler, Van der Wende), and the researchers in the field of HE adopted various approaches to its operationalisation (see Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2004, 2009; Marginson i Van der Wende, 2007; de Wit, 2010, etc.) Although this PhD project is dealing with the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities, a theoretical concept of Europeanisation is also included in the theoretical framework. The Bologna process, which highly promotes internationalisation policies and efforts, as well as other European initiatives in HE, some researchers consider to be linked with the Europeanisation in HE and therefore all three terms are analysed and discussed in this project. There are two gaps in literature that this PhD project addresses: the problem with the lack of generally accepted definitions of globalisation, internationalisation and Europeanisation and their mutual relations in HE, as well as their indicators; and the lack of projects which use analysis of the role of the context in HE field in order to explore differences between individual national (and subnational) policies. This PhD thesis had three main objectives: (1) to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities; (2) to analyse the factors that determine and redefine the characteristics of internationalisation of universities and factors that indicate the degree of policy change in strategies of HE institutions and national HE policies; (3) to explore the differences in national contexts and ways in which countries 'filter' globalisation pressures and the impact of financial and economic crisis, which affects the characteristics of national HE policies and university strategies in the field of internationalisation. In order to fulfil these goals, triangulation of literature review and empirical research was used. Therefore, in this PhD project, two empirical researches were conducted: a Delphi method research and a comparison of three case studies.
Pokrovčeva knjiga Slobodno stvaranje prava: Herman U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (2018) nameće pitanje izraženo naslovom ovog rada na koje rad odgovara u tri koraka: prvo, pretpostavkom da je pitanje odgovorivo samo idealnim tipovima pravnih disciplina / funkcija; drugo, upućivanjem na kontekst Kantorowiczevih gledišta, osobito na objavu presuda; treće, ocjenom da je Kantorowicz podijelio pravnu znanost u prepletene funkcije a ne u odvojene discipline. U tu svrhu rad nudi idealne tipove disciplina i funkcija pravne dogmatike, pravne historije, pravne teorije i, kao najsloženiji i najkorisniji skup funkcija, pravnopolitičku analizu. Pretpostavka je, koja se ne dokazuje, da ne postoji ni oštra granica između pravne znanosti i susjednih znanosti: sociologije, ekonomije, psihologije, filozofije. ; Is Herman U. Kantorowicz's classification of legal disciplines - which includes general legal science, legal dogmatics, legal history, sociology of law, philosophy of law, and legal policy - a division of scholarly knowledge of law into distinct disciplines/sciences or into intertwined functions of a single scholarly discipline/science? The question is prompted by the book written by Zoran Pokrovac entitled Slobodno stvaranje prava: Hermann U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (Free Law: Hermann U. Kantorowicz and the Free Law Movement ) and published by "Breza" and the Faculty of Law of the University of Split in 2018. Answering this question may assist Croatian legal scholars in finding standards of scholarly excellence, especially of research de lege ferenda. This paper offers an answer in three steps. The first is the recognition that scholarly practices differ considerably, which means that the question may be answered only by construing and correlating ideal types of legal disciplines / functions that are compatible with Kantorowicz's general ideas, prominent interpretations of legal scholarship, and Croatian mainstream legal scholarship since. The second step provides a context of Kantorowicz's ...
Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.
