Suchergebnisse

This article aims to measure the transition from a theological way of classifying to the initiation of political thinking in an aristocratic and well-read bourgeois milieu. The shift is from an essentialist conceptualization of social identities (where qualities of the parts were logically deduced from a postulated natural and divine quality of the whole) to an anxious bewilderment in the face of individual cases which did not fit into the old classifications. The analysis relies mostly on a comparison between two academic competitions (Dijon in 1754 and Berlin in 1780) but checks for possible generalization by using examples from the use of categories by the judiciary and an inquiry into a new literary trend patronized by the salons in the 1770's.

Is climate change insurable? Can insurance, as a technology of risk and governance, organize an adequate social and economic response to the complexity and scale of this modern, global risk? The dissertation assesses the insurability of climate change risks through the lens of the U.S. National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), the public insurance program that underwrites virtually all flood insurance for homes and small businesses in the U.S. The NFIP is under intense financial strain, struggling to pay claims from recent flooding events and $23 billion in debt to the U.S. Treasury after Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and Hurricane Sandy in 2012. Federal reforms to the NFIP in 2012 and 2014 revisited the question of financial responsibility for flood risk, bringing renewed scrutiny to risk classification, pricing, and distribution in the NFIP, and how these insurance processes should change with the expectation of rising sea levels and stronger storms. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative data, the dissertation traces these processes: the political contestation that shaped them and their social effects. I find that these processes serve as channels through which this particular climate change burden, of more frequent and severe flooding, is individualized. Specifically, updated official risk classifications, combined with changes to the calculation of insurance premiums, shifted more financial responsibility to individual policyholders, who had to find ways to mitigate the risk and its cost in the short term, and grapple with the price of flood risk as a "signal" of climate change in the long term. The dissertation uncovers the social and political challenges of using insurance to manage the risks associated with climate change, of using old programs to meet new threats.Much of the scholarly debate on the insurability of climate change has emphasized technical and epistemological problems related to risk knowledge. Based on the case of the NFIP, I argue instead that distinct and significant limits to insurability derive from contentious risk politics and the social uncertainties that enhanced risk assessments generate. I develop this argument with chapters on risk classification, about establishing boundaries, physical, social, and symbolic, that set categories of risk; on pricing, the use of practices and tools to calculate the cost of risk; and on distribution, the social and spatial allocation of risk and responsibility. Preceding these chapters, a historical chapter traces the origins of the NFIP, how it governs flood risk, and how it arrived at its crisis point. In addition to intervening in the insurability debate, Underwater also seeks to break new ground in the sociology of climate change. Sociologists have shown that the natural disasters—floods, storms, wildfires, heat waves, and so forth—we connect to climate change have fundamentally social sources, and the threats now facing individuals and communities intersect with social differences, such as gender, race/ethnicity, class, and age. However, it is not simply the social production and distribution of hazards themselves that are sociologically important. It is also the representation of those hazards as risk, their economization, and how they are used to govern societies and shape behavior. In other words, we can build our sociological understandings of climate change not solely from investigating the social production and effects of floods, but also from examining the policies and programs that govern them. These policies and programs both shape how our society adapts to the physical, economic, and political pressures of climate change and structure how individuals experience these pressures in their daily lives.

Social management is an order of co-existence of people and exclusive type of joint activity, which is carried out with the help of managerial system to achieve publicly essential goals. An individual has to enter into communication with other individuals to realize his own interests. Mutual interactions among people always implies mutual comparison of interests and obedience to the certain rules, established by the state bodies, public and religion organizations, natural and legal persons. Social management, exercised by managerial systems is an indication of society of great importance. In the theory of administrative law only tree types of social management is distinguished, while it can be classified on the ground of different aspects.

Este artículo problematiza la construcción social de apelativos que identifican los actores involucrados en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano, evidenciando un campo de disputa simbólica, política y ética en torno a la clasificación social del Otro, considerado peligroso por la institucionalidad, específicamente, las guerrillas surgidas en los años 1960. Se debaten los cambios en las formas de nombrar y su carga ideológica y política según los distintos contextos históricos. Se analizan tres perspectivas de nombrar: la priorización en la violencia, el énfasis en la guerra y el carácter sociopolítico del conflicto. Se sugiere un abordaje menos reduccionista – el campo de los movimientos sociales, que ayude a comprender la complejidad del fenómeno y la dinámica de las contradicciones en el seno de la vida social. ; This article studies the social construction of epithets that identify the actors involved in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, which are evidence of a field of symbolic, political, and ethical dispute regarding the social classification of the Other, considered to be dangerous by the institution, specifically guerrilla groups formed in the 1960s. This paper debates the changes in naming and their ideological and political weight according to different historical contexts. It analyzes three perspectives on naming: the prioritization of violence, the emphasis on the war, and the sociopolitical nature of the conflict. It suggests a less reductionist approach: that the field of social movements can aid in understanding the complexity of the phenomenon and the dynamic of contradictions at the heart of social life.

ABSTRACT: This article studies the social construction of epithets that identify the actors involved in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, which are evidence of a field of symbolic, political, and ethical dispute regarding the social classification of the Other, considered to be dangerous by the institution, specifically guerrilla groups formed in the 1960s. This paper debates the changes in naming and their ideological and political weight according to different historical contexts. It analyzes three perspectives on naming: the prioritization of violence, the emphasis on the war, and the sociopolitical nature of the conflict. It suggests a less reductionist approach: that the field of social movements can aid in understanding the complexity of the phenomenon and the dynamic of contradictions at the heart of social life. ; RESUMEN: Este artículo problematiza la construcción social de apelativos que identifican los actores involucrados en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano, evidenciando un campo de disputa simbólica, política y ética en torno a la clasificación social del Otro, considerado peligroso por la institucionalidad, específicamente, las guerrillas surgidas en los años 1960. Se debaten los cambios en las formas de nombrar y su carga ideológica y política según los distintos contextos históricos. Se analizan tres perspectivas de nombrar: la priorización en la violencia, el énfasis en la guerra y el carácter sociopolítico del conflicto. Se sugiere un abordaje menos reduccionista – el campo de los movimientos sociales, que ayude a comprender la complejidad del fenómeno y la dinámica de las contradicciones en el seno de la vida social.

Though widely regarded as ill-defined and lacking conceptual clarity social innovation has been heralded as a desirable response to social economic and environmental challenges arising from market and policy failures. Based on a definition of social innovation as involving the reconfiguration of social practices through civil society engagement, this paper offers an indictive classification of the diverse types of social innovation found in Scotland, based primarily on rural examples. It is argued that not only does social innovation occur in a diverse range of fields and in many different forms, but also that the Scottish Government policy has explicitly connected to social innovation as a means of delivering a communitarian policy agenda. However, without affirmative action, the community empowerment agenda is likely to widen the gap between communities with strong social capital and those with weaker social capital, thus undermining another strong strand of Scottish policy which supports greater equality and social inclusion. ; Published in: Scottish Affairs, Volume 28 Issue 2, Page 152-176, ISSN 0966-0356 Available Online May 2019 https://www.euppublishing.com/doi/10.3366/scot.2019.0275 DOI:10.3366/scot.2019.0275 Full published paper was embargoed for 12 months as per De Gruyter publication its repository policy (https://www.degruyter.com/page/repository-policy)

Making social classification of civil society was defined by the author aim of this publication. The article, based on a scientific analysis of the legal, sociological, political literature and use an interdisciplinary approach the peculiarities of the formation, development and functioning of civil society. Using theoretical and methodological traditions of social science has enabled the author to make a classification of social institutions of civil society and determine the content of political (voluntary social organizations and movements, political parties, independent media, public opinion, etc.), economic (market economy, non-state ownership of the means of production The middle class, etc.), social (family, local government, local government, etc.), cultural (schools, cultural and art institutions, to the extent that they act as private education, etc.) and religious (religious communities, religious brotherhoods) institutions civil society.Further scientific studies requires the interaction of civil society and the state.Keywords: civil society, social institute, social institute of civil societyЗдійснення класифікації соціальних інститутів громадянського суспільства було визначено автором метою даної публікації. В статті, на підставі аналізу наукової юридичної, соціологічної, політологічної літератури та застосування міждисциплінарного підходу розкриваються особливості становлення, розвитку та функціонування громадянського суспільства. Використання теоретико-методологічної традиції соціологічної науки дало можливість автору здійснити класифікацію соціальних інститутів громадянського суспільства та визначити зміст політичного (добровільні громадські організації і рухи, політичні партії, незалежні засоби масової інформації, громадська думка тощо), економічного (ринкова економіка, недержавна власність на засоби виробництва, середній клас тощо), суспільного (сім'я, місцеве управління, місцеве самоврядування тощо), культурного (школа, культурно-мистецькі заклади, тією мірою, якою вони виступають як недержавні утворення тощо) та релігійного (релігійні громади, релігійні братства) інститутів громадянського суспільства.Подальших наукових розвідок потребує питання взаємодії інститутів громадянського суспільства та державиКлючові слова: громадянське суспільство, соціальний інститут, соціальний інститут громадянського суспільства.

Este artigo oferece uma abordagem alternativa para analisar experiências sociais, políticas e culturais como Mahragan, localizadas em estruturas de poder assimétricas historicamente construídas, além das dicotomias epistemologicamente dominantes que contrastam entre o Islã e a modernidade. Por isso, proponho, com base em experiências etnográficas com grupos de jovens na cidade do Cairo desde 1999, um ensaio histórico-antropológico que nos permita entender, além da própria marginalização do universo cultural Shabi, as relações de poder estabelecidas na estrutura social Egípcio. Esses pontos de partida fazem o mahragan aparecer como um encontro histórico, uma resposta dos jovens egípcios que têm raízes nas tradições musicais passadas, para transcender o que identificamos como modernidade colonial, dentro dos contextos islâmicos. Através da análise da música Mahragan, analisaremos a dinâmica da dialética colonização-descolonização para aprofundar a compreensão dos espaços simbólicos da fronteira como os criados nas periferias de Cairo. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]". ; This article offers an alternative approach to analyze social, political and cultural experiences located in historically constructed asymmetric power structures such as Mahragan, beyond the epistemologically dominant dichotomies that contrast between Islam and modernity. I therefore propose, based on ethnographic experiences with youth groups in the city of Cairo since 1999, an anthropological-historical essay that will allow us to understand, in addition to the marginalization of the Shabi cultural universe, the power relations established in the Egyptian social structure. These starting points make the Mahragan appear as a historical encounter, a response of young Egyptian who have roots in past musical traditions, to transcend what we identify as colonial modernity, within Islamic contexts. Through the analysis of Mahragan music, we will analyze the dynamics of the colonization-decolonization dialectic to deepen the understanding of the symbolic spaces of the border as those created in the Cairot peripheries. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]". ; Este artículo ofrece un enfoque alternativo para analizar experiencias sociales, políticas y culturales como el Mahragan, situadas en estructuras de poder asimétricas históricamente construidas, más allá de las dicotomías epistemológicamente dominantes que contrastan entre islam y modernidad. Me propongo entonces, a partir experiencias etnográficas con grupos juveniles de la ciudad de El Cairo desde el año 1999, un ensayo antropológico-histórico que permitirá comprender, además de la propia marginalización del universo cultural shabi, las relaciones de poder establecidas en la estructura social egipcia. Estos puntos de partida hacen que el Mahragan aparezca como un encuentro histórico, una respuesta de las personas jóvenes egipcias que hunde raíces en tradiciones musicales pasadas, para transcender lo que identificamos como modernidad colonial, dentro de los contextos islámicos. A través de los análisis de la música Mahragan, analizaremos la dinámica de la dialéctica de colonización-descolonización para profundizar en la comprensión de los espacios simbólicos de la frontera como los creados en las periferias cairotas. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]".

Includes index. ; "United Nations publication. Sales no.: 58.XVI.2."--T.p. verso. ; "ST/TAA/M/12, ST/ECA/49"--T.p. verso. ; Mode of access: Internet.

International audience ; Si la notion de métissage s'est généralisée dans les recherches académiques comme en politique (montrons dans cet article que les populations humaines se sont toujours déplacées et mêlées sans que ces processus ne débouchent pour autant sur l'établissement de nouvelles catégories sociales basées sur l'idée du mélange. Nous mettons en évidence comment l'apparition ou l'absence de telles catégories est liée aux structures sociopolitiques, aux conceptions de la parenté et aux ontologies des différents groupes humains. Nous partons de l'exemple du processus historico-politique qui a donné origine à la catégorie hispano-américaine du mestizo pour examiner ensuite d'autres cas historiques et ethnographiques 1 avec l'objectif d'identifier les circonstances dans lesquelles les catégories mixtes sont politiquement inacceptables ou logiquement inconcevables. Ce faisant, le texte révèle aussi que si la catégorie de métis n'est pas naturelle, sa naturalisation n'est pas non plus universelle.

International audience ; Si la notion de métissage s'est généralisée dans les recherches académiques comme en politique (montrons dans cet article que les populations humaines se sont toujours déplacées et mêlées sans que ces processus ne débouchent pour autant sur l'établissement de nouvelles catégories sociales basées sur l'idée du mélange. Nous mettons en évidence comment l'apparition ou l'absence de telles catégories est liée aux structures sociopolitiques, aux conceptions de la parenté et aux ontologies des différents groupes humains. Nous partons de l'exemple du processus historico-politique qui a donné origine à la catégorie hispano-américaine du mestizo pour examiner ensuite d'autres cas historiques et ethnographiques 1 avec l'objectif d'identifier les circonstances dans lesquelles les catégories mixtes sont politiquement inacceptables ou logiquement inconcevables. Ce faisant, le texte révèle aussi que si la catégorie de métis n'est pas naturelle, sa naturalisation n'est pas non plus universelle.

Dans cet article, nous montrons que si les populations humaines se sont toujoursdéplacées et mélangées, les transgressions des frontières socioculturelles n'ont pasnécessairement engendré de nouvelles catégories relevant du mélange. Nousexpliquons comment l'apparition (ou non) de ces dernières est liée aux structuressociopolitiques, aux ontologies, aux conceptions de la parenté et de la procréationpropres aux différents groupes humains, en partant du processus historico-politiquequi a donné origine à la catégorie hispano-américaine du mestizo. Outre l'étude de lasociété hispano-américaine coloniale, nous examinons les cas de la Républiqued'Argentine, de trois sociétés indiennes d'Amérique latine (Kuna, Tsachila etCandoshi), du nationalisme catalan vis-à-vis des migrants internes espagnols, de lasociété Chamorra des Îles Mariannes, des habitants des oasis du sud du Maroc et dela société de castes du Nord de l'Inde. Notre objectif est d'identifier dans quellescirconstances les catégories « mixtes » sont politiquement inacceptables oulogiquement inconcevables. Ce faisant, le texte révèle aussi que, si la catégorie demétis n'est pas naturelle, sa naturalisation n'est pas non plus universelle. ; In this article we will argue that although humans always migrated and mated, transgressions of socio-cultural group boundaries not necessarily engendered new categories of classification for mixed offspring. We will show, instead, that the presence or absence of mixed categories depends on the socio-political circumstances, ontologies, systems of kinship and reproduction that distinguish human groups that enter into contact, beginning with the example of how and why the Hispanic-American category of mestizo was introduced. The empirical background of this thesis is the comparative historical and/or ethnographic study of Colonial Hispano-American Society, of the Argentine Republic, of three Latin-American indigenous societies (Kuna, Tsachila and Candoshi), Catalan nationalism vis-à-vis Spanish immigrants, the Chamorro on the Mariana Islands, the inhabitants of Southern Moroccan Oasis, and the cast society in the north of India. The aim is to uncover the conditions under which « mixed » social categories are either politically inappropriate or logically unconceivable. The article will thus, furthermore, show that a category of « mixed » people is neither natural nor that its naturalization is, therefore, universal. ; En este artículo mostramos que aunque las poblaciones humanas siempre se han desplazado y mezclado, las transgresiones de las fronteras socioculturales no han engendrado necesariamente nuevas categorías relacionadas con la mezcla. Explicamos cómo la aparición (o no) de estas últimas está relacionada con las estructuras sociopolíticas, las ontologías, las concepciones del parentesco y de la procreación propias de los diferentes grupos humanos, partiendo del proceso histórico-político que dio origen a la categoría hispano-americana del mestizo. Además del estudio de la sociedad hispano-americana colonial, examinamos los casos de la República Argentina, de tres sociedades indígenas de América Latina (Kuna, Tsachila y Candoshi), del nacionalismo catalán respecto de los migrantes internos españoles, de la sociedad Chamorra de las Islas Marianas, de los habitantes de los Oasis del sur de Marruecos y de la sociedad de castas del Norte de la India. Nuestro objetivo es identificar en qué circunstanciases las categorías « mixtas » son políticamente inaceptables o lógicamente inconcebibles. Así, el texto revela también que, si la categoría de mestizo no es natural, su naturalización tampoco es universal.

In this paper, we seek to inform managers, regulators, and investors of the setting in which a firm's environmental management activity is costly and when it is profitable. To identify this setting, we classify firms according to their environmental management activities and the subsequent impact on firm operating performance. This classification has allowed us to explore four potential economic drivers of environmental management, namely competitive positioning, risk management, compliance, and pressure to overinvest. Our results show that consumer-oriented firms that are visible to the public observe a positive relation between environmental commitment and operating performance. They use environmental management as a strategy to appeal to consumers, but also feel the pressure to overinvest. Firms that are in heavily polluting, capital intensive, less visible industries, observe a negative relation between environmental impact management and operating performance. Their environmental management follows primarily from risk management and compliance motivations. When the cost of an environmental activity is high, firms are less likely to self-engage and so regulatory intervention is more likely to be warranted.

The present article offers us various theoretical approaches to classification of social states and/or states of welfare. It also presents the dichotomous classification by Vilensky and Leboa followed by Titmus 'addition to' their teaching. The Esping-Anderssen regime theory presents the most interpreted and unavoidable link in the analysis of contemporary grouping of social states. In an attempt to make his classifications complete, taking into account additional relevant dimensions of the states of welfare are also presented such theoreticians which brought into question the division into three worlds of welfare and 'revised' his theory. At the base of any outlined social model presenting a (relatively) homogenous and/or heterogeneous set of states there are certain social values. When deciding on and promoting such values the very social policies, primarily their institutional mechanisms and forms (the social security systems in the first rank) become and act emancipatorily, discouraging or just neutrally in relation to their 'users' and population in general. ; U ovom radu analizirani su različiti teorijski pristupi klasifikacijama socijalnih država i/ili država blagostanja. Predstavljena je dihotomna klasifikacija Vilenskog i Leboa, a zatim i Titmusova 'dopuna' njihovog učenja. Esping-Andersenova teorija režima predstavlja najčešće interpretiranu i nezaobilaznu kariku u analizi savremenog grupisanja socijalnih država. U nastojanju upotpunjavanja njegove klasifikacije, uvažavanjem dodatnih relevantnih dimenzija država blagostanja, predstavljeni su i teoretičari koji su doveli u pitanje podelu na tri sveta blagostanja i koji su 'revidirali' njegovu teoriju. U osnovi svakog koncipiranog socijalnog modela, koji predstavlja (relativno) homogen i/ili heterogen skup država, nalaze se određene socijalne vrednosti. Opredeljujući i promovišući te vrednosti, i same socijalne politike, a pre svega njihovi institucionalni mehanizmi i forme (u prvom redu: sistemi socijalne sigurnosti) postaju i deluju emancipatorno, ...