Suchergebnisse

Rad se temelji na obradi zapisnika sjednica skupštine Kotarskog narodnog odbora Senj, njegova Izvršna odbora te zapisnicima plenuma i biroa Kotarskog komiteta Komunističke partije Hrvatske. Istražena je upravna organizacija Kotara Senj, pravni akti upravnih tijela i odluke iz državnopravne povijesti Senja u razdoblju od 1946. do 1948. sačuvani u Državnom arhivu u Rijeci i Sabirnom arhivskom centru u Senju. Kronološki su analizirane sjednice Kotarskog narodnog odbora i Izvršnog odbora, osim onih iz 1945. i 1946. koje nisu sačuvane. Iz arhivske građe može se utvrditi organizacija Kotarskog narodnog odbora, njegovih odbora, komisija i povjereništava, donošenje proračuna, rad mjesnih narodnih odbora i zborova birača, gospodarskih subjekata (poduzeća), rad sudova i izbor sudaca prisjednika, kao i prosvjetna politika (osobito opismenjavanje) i zdravstvo. ; The article is based upon the analysis of the minutes of the meetings of the Assembly of the District People's Committee Senj, its Executive Committee, and the minutes of the plenum and the Bureau of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia. The administrative organisation of Senj District was researched, the legal acts of the administrative bodies and the decisions of the state-legal history of Senj in the period from 1946 to 1948 preserved in the State Archives in Rijeka and the Collective Archival Centre in Senj. The meetings of the District People's Committee and the Executive Committee are chronologically analysed apart from those from 1945 and 1946 which were not preserved. From the archive material the organisation of the district people's committee can be determined, its committees, commissions and boards, budget adoptions, the work of the local people's committees and voters' meetings, economic entities (businesses), the work of the courts and the election of judge assessors, as well as educational policies (especially literacy) and health.

Članak prikazuje recentne studije o novcu kao pravnom fenomenu, putem čijeg kreiranja različiti "stakeholderi" uređuju raspodjelu resursa i odnose između pojedinih dijelova društva. U ovoj koncepciji novac formira tržište, a ne obratno. Na primjeru "slobodnog kovanja" karakterističnog za Englesku od 12. do 14. stoljeća analizira se dilema nominalizam – metalizam, te tri ograničenja robnog novca u kojima se očituje Greshamov zakon, odnosno kontroverza likvidnosti. U članku se ne analizira na koje proturječnosti nailazi nominalistička politika novca. Pokazuje se da se ni u suvremenoj koncepciji robnog novca, eksplicitnoj u Hayekovoj studiji The Denationalization of Money, zbog proturječja likvidnosti ne može – u kreiranju i održanju novčanog sustava – izbjeći uloga društvenih, izvantržišnih faktora, uz ostalo i prava. Kako mnogi autori zaključuju da je i zajednička europska valuta koncipirana po uzoru na zlatni standard (robni novac), slijedi da i uspjeh njezina dizajna i funkcioniranja ne može biti prepušten samo tržišnom mehanizmu, nego ovisi o društvenoj, političkoj i pravnoj potpori. ; The paper describes money as a legal phenomenon, which means that stakeholders use money to allocate resources and manage social relations. In this understanding money creates markets and not vice versa. The system of money creation called free minting, which was common in England from the 12th to the 14th century, is described. Three constraints of commodity money are explained and the nominalism – metalism dilemma is analysed. The focus of the analysis is on Gresham's law and the problem of liquidity of commodity money. The similarity between medieval commodity money and a modern concept of commodity money in the book The Denationalization of Money by Friedrich von Hayek is shown. The conclusion is that the market mechanism cannot solve the problem of liquidity without social agents not included in the market exchange. Since the common European currency is to some degree similar to the gold standard, the same conclusion works for the euro.

U radu se prikazuje kronološki razvoj javne rasvjete i elektrifikacije naselja Gospić od sredine druge polovice 19. stoljeća, pa do kraja 1950-ih godina kada se gospić- ka energetska mreža uklapa u državni distribucijski sustav. Začeci gospićke javne rasvjete tehnologijom petrolejskih lampi evidentirani su u posljednjim godinama postojanja Vojne krajine, a u takvom obliku zadržali su se pola stoljeća. Analiziran je kontekst javne rasvjete u društvenom životu Gospića kao i u kompleksnim političkim situacijama uslijed kojih je Gospić u svakom, a pogotovo tehnološkom pogledu, zaostajao u odnosu na ostale krajeve. Poseban osvrt dan je razdoblju dvadesetih godina 20. stoljeća kada u Gospić napokon dolazi električna energija, a s njom i moderno svjetlo. Godine 1925. puštena je u rad Općinska munjara Gospić, a kolika je bila potreba stanovništva za strujom pokazuje i podatak da je već četiri godine poslije izvršena prva rekonstrukcija kojom su značajno povećani kapaciteti. Kao takva, centrala je bila u upotrebi sve do sredine '50-ih godina 20. stoljeća kada Gospić dobiva novu dizelsku termoelektranu, koja je uslijed skupe proizvodnje struje radila vrlo kratko. Osnivanjem "Elektrolike Gospić" 1956. godine, jedinstvenog poduzeća za distribuciju struje na području Like, te dovršenjem petogodišnjeg projekta izgradnje niza dalekovoda, Gospić je napokon 1961. godine dobio moderan i siguran izvor električne energije. ; The paper presents the chronological development of public lighting and electrification of Gospić in the period from the middle of the second half of the 19th century until the decade after the end of the Second World War when the energy network of Gospić was fitted into the state distribution system. The beginnings of public lighting in Gospić with the technology of kerosene lamps was recorded in the last years of the Croatian Military Frontier, and it remained in such a form for half a century. The context of public lighting in the social life of Gospić was analysed, as well as the complex political situations due to which Gospić lagged behind in other areas, especially in terms of technology. Special attention is given to the period of the 1920s, when electricity finally came to Gospić, and with it modern light. In 1925, the Municipal Lightning Plant Gospić was put into operation, and the fact that the first reconstruction was carried out after only four years shows how much the population needed electricity. As such, the plant was in use until the mid-1950s when Gospić received a new diesel thermal power plant, which operated for a very short time due to expensive electricity production. With the founding of "Elektrolika Gospić" in 1956, a unique company for the distribution of electricity in the Lika area, and the completion of a five-year project to build a series of transmission lines, Gospić finally in 1961 got a modern and secure source of electricity.

U ovom radu prikazuje se razvoj političkih stranaka i opis političke atmosfere u Grubišnom Polju između dva svjetska rata. Raspadom Austro-Ugarske i stvaranjem jugoslavenske države 1918. godine neke stare političke stranke nastavile su svoje djelovanje u novim prilikama, ali su nastajale i nove političke stranke. U Grubišnom Polju kao izrazito multietničkom gradiću u kojem su većinu stanovništva činili Hrvati i Srbi te u manjem broju Mađari i Česi, artikuliranje njihovih političkih interesa i opredjeljenja bilo je vrlo slojevito. Kod hrvatskog stanovništva vrlo brzo uzima primat Hrvatska (pučka) seljačka stranka braće Radića, sa svojom seljačkom i republikanskom političkom sastavnicom i ideologijom, koju je zadržala do sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije, dok je srpsko stanovništvo bilo podijeljeno u svom političkom odabiru. U početku je njihovo opredjeljenje bilo na strani Pribićevićeve Demokratske stranke (kasnije Samostalne demokratske stranke) da bi se usložnjavanjem političke situacije u državi (posebno zbog nerješavanja hrvatskog pitanja, ali i nagomilanih socijalnih i društvenih problema) njihove političke preferencije okrenule prema režimskim strankama s unitarističkim programom – Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) te Stojadinovićeva Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ). Svaka od ovih političkih organizacija stvarala je svoje društvene, socijalne i sportske organizacije u kojima je njihova ideologija bila važnija od rada tih organizacija. Dvije nacionalne zajednice – hrvatska i srpska – bile su dobro integrirane u tamošnju društvenu zajednicu i bez većih antagonizama i sukoba se odvijalo politički život. Ipak na marginama političkog života možemo pratiti začetke ekstremnih ideologija poput ustaškog pokreta, ustrojavanje četničkog udruženja i polako uzdizanje komunističkog pokreta i njegove ideologije. Ove do tada marginalne skupine u političkom smislu preuzet će političku pozornicu izbijanjem Drugog svjetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. U istraživanju se koristila izvorna arhivska građa iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru, sekundarna literatura te nacionalni i regionalni tisak. ; This paper presents the development of political parties and describes the political atmosphere in Grubišno Polje between the two world wars. By the downfall of Austro-Hungary and the formation of the new Yugoslav state in 1918, some of the existing political parties continued to operate in the newly established circumstances. However, new political parties were formed too. In Grubišno Polje, a pronouncedly multi-ethnic town, in which the majority were the Croats and the Serbs, and the minority the Hungarians and the Czechs, articulating one's political interests and orientations was extremely complex. Among Croatian population, Croatian People's Peasant Party established by the Radić brothers very soon became the principal party thanks to its peasant-oriented and republican political component and ideology, which it held on until the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Serbian population was however not as united in its political choice. At first, the Serbs were on the side of Pribićević's Democratic Party (later Independent Democratic Party). However, as the political situation in the country grew more complex (in particular due to not solving Croatian issue, but also due to growing material and social problems), their political preferences were directed towards regime parties with unitarianist programme – Yugoslav National Party and Stojadinović's Yugoslav Radical Union. Each of these political organizations formed its social and sports organizations, in which the ideology played an important role, being an immanent part thereof. The two national communities – Croatian and Serbian – were well integrated in the social community, and political life proceeded with no major antagonism or conflicts. Nevertheless, the beginnings of extremist ideologies may be followed on the margins of political life – for instance the Ustasha movement, the establishment of the Chetnik association, as well as gradual rising of the communist movement and its ideology. These groups, until that time marginal, had taken over the political scene when World War Two burst out in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this research, original archival materials from Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and State Archives in Bjelovar, secondary literature, as well as national and regional press were used.

U vremenu neposredno nakon ukidanja Vojne krajine 1881. godine i pripojenja ovoga teritorija Hrvatskoj pojavljuju se prve novine na teritoriju tadašnje Ličkokrbavske županije koja je ustrojena 1886. godine. Vrijeme nakon ukidanja Vojne krajine je vrijeme prilagodbe civilnom načinu života poslije vremena kada je ovaj teritorij predstavljao branu turskim prodorima u Hrvatsku. U takvim okolnostima gospodarske prilike i društveni život bili su prilagođeni vojničkom načinu razmišljanja. Ukidanjem Vojne krajine 15. srpnja 1881. godine ona je pripojena Kraljevini Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji kao autonomnoj pokrajini koja je imala obilježja državnosti u sastavu Zemalja krune sv. Stjepana. U Kraljevini Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji kao dijelu Austro-Ugarske što je određeno Austro-ugarskom nagodbom od 1867. godine i pod vlašću Franje Josipa I. (1848. – 1916.) otvara se mogućnost za stvaranje županija na tom teritoriju, a samim time i Ličko – krbavske županije. Tema ovoga rada je prikaz stanja u Ličko-krbavskoj županiji i posebno u njenom središtu, Gospiću, na prijelazu iz 19. u 20 stoljeće. Prije svega gospodarskih prilika, ali i društvenog i kulturnog života, odnosno uvjeta u kojima se pojavljuju prve novine koje su i glavni izvor informacija za ovaj rad. ; In the time immediately after the abolition of the Military Frontier in 1881 and the annexation of this territory to Croatia, the first newspapers appeared on the territory of the former Lika-Krbava County, which was established in 1886. The time after the abolition of the Military Frontier is the time of adjustment to the civilian way of life, after the time when this territory represented a barrier to Turkish incursions into Croatia. In such circumstances, economic and social life were adjusted to the military way of thinking. With the abolition of the Military Frontier on July 15, 1881, it was annexed to the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia as an autonomous province that had the characteristics of statehood within the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen. In the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia as part of Austro-Hungary, which was determined by the Austro-Hungarian Agreement in 1867 and under the rule of Franz Joseph I (1848-1916), the possibility was opened for the creation of counties on that territory, and thus for the Lika – Krbava County. The theme of this paper is a review of the situation in Lika -Krbava County and especially in its center, Gospić, at the transition from the 19th to 20th century. First of all, economic opportunities, but also social and cultural life, ie the conditions in which the first newspapers appear, which are the main source of information for this work.

Ovaj rad postavlja sljedeće pitanje: Je li Adam Smith konzervativac? Smith se obično smatra jednim od glavnih autora liberalne tradicije, ali mnoge njegove teze imaju snažnu konzervativnu notu. Iako se često zauzima za pojedinca i za pojedinčeve sposobnosti da bude protagonist vlastite povijesti, Smith istovremeno taj prostor ograničava, argumentirajući u prilog nesposobnosti tih istih pojedinaca da svoje djelovanje razumiju, te argumentirajući u prilog tome da ih se društveno kontrolira i disciplinira. Tri se teme problematiziraju: (1) Smithova metafora nevidljive ruke, (2) pitanje institucionalnog dizajna i (3) pitanje društvene hijerarhije. Ovaj rad upućuje na određene tenzije koje postoje kod Adama Smitha, u škotskom prosvjetiteljstvu i u suvremenoj liberalnoj tradiciji koja je, u velikoj mjeri, sagrađena na tim temeljima. ; This article asks the following question: Is Adam Smith a conservative? Smith is usually seen as a key author of the liberal tradition, but some of his claims have a strong conservative overtone. Although he frequently defends the individual and his capacity to be the agent of his own history, Smith simultaneously limits this space, arguing that the very same individuals are incapable of understanding their own action, and arguing in favor of socially controlling and disciplining them. Three themes are discussed: (1) Smith's metaphor of the invisible hand, (2) the question of institutional design, and (3) the question of social hierarchy. This article points towards certain tensions in the work of Adam Smith, the Scottish enlightenment, and the liberal tradition which was built, to a large extent, on these foundations.

U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.