Suchergebnisse

Stjecanjem povlastica slobodnoga i kraljevskoga grada započelo je novo razdoblje osječke povijesti. Promjene su se ponajviše ticale funkcioniranja gradske uprave u novim pravnim i društvenim okolnostima. Dosadašnja rijetka istraživanja onovremene osječke upravne povijesti u pravilu su se zadržavala na ustrojstvu i nadležnostima tamošnje gradske općine. U ovom radu autori su se bavili pitanjem sastava i značajki prve uprave slobodnoga i kraljevskoga grada Osijeka, koja je s radom počela u kolovozu 1809. godine. Na temelju gradiva osječkoga poglavarstva autori daju povijesni i pravni kontekst izboru i imenovanju članova uprave te analizu njihovih sociodemografskih karakteristika zabilježenih primarno u evidencijama građana. ; When the city of Osijek received the charter of privileges and became a free and royal city in 1809, a new stage in its historical and legal development began. Although the citizens' request for the charter from the Emperor Francis I was probably mainly motivated by the presumed prospects of the economic development, as it arrived rather late, i.e. some four decades before the feudalism was abolished in the Habsburg lands, its effects were mostly of legal and administrational nature. This is probably why the few works that cover the topic of Osijek's municipal history in the first half of the 19th century mainly deal with issues such as legal status of the Free and Royal City of Osijek and its citizens, the organisation of the local authority, etc. Although these historical aspects are indeed crucial to understanding the role of the local authority in the broad system of public (state) administration, as well as in the community, there are others that could complement our knowledge in that respect, such as the influence of different political, ideological, demographic and cultural factors. Among them are sociodemographic characteristics of the members of the city government. Besides an overview of the historical events prior to the election and appointment of the first government of the Free and Royal City of Osijek, the legal context and its organisation, as well as the very process of election, the authors analyse the sociodemographic characteristics of its highest-ranking members. The analysis included 57 officials and administration officers, i.e. 7 members of the City Council (Magistrate), 40 members of the Elected Commune (Assembly) with its President, and 9 other heads and deputies of the most important offices and services. Characteristics recorded in the registries of Osijek's citizens that were in focus of the research were the nobility status, religion, profession and place of origin. Combining the results and the official criteria for the election of the local authority officials and officers, the authors suggest that the leading criteria were the education and former work experience in the public administration. This is, of course, related to the social standing of the individuals, because the elites traditionally had better education and better overall access to public positions. Consequently, the majority of nobles and intellectual workers among the citizens were elected or appointed to a position in the local authority. Two most represented groups (equal in numbers) were merchants and craftsmen, but if we look at the overall population of people with citizen status, there were three times more craftsmen than merchants, which means that the latter were, relatively speaking, more represented in the local administration, as their social status was generally better. The only two religious groups that could apply for Osijek's citizenship were members of the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox communities. The latter, as a minority, was a slightly underrepresented, but within the limits of the obligatory one quarter of the representatives in the Elected Commune. The place of origin had little or no influence on the election and appointment of members of the local authority, but it clearly portrays the City of Osijek as a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural community in which the citizens that came from other parts of the Habsburg Monarchy or even outside of it were well integrated.

Gradska uprava u Varaždinu sastavljala je popise vlasnika fundusa za potrebe ubiranja redovnih i izvanrednih poreza i gradskih pristojbi. Iz druge polovice 17. stoljeća sačuvano je deset popisa od kojih je posljednji, iz 1698. godine, cjelovit, a ostali se odnose na pojedine gradske četvrti. Popisi također donose informacije o broju fundusa koje su posjedovali isusovci, pavlini, prelati, Varaždinski generalat i tridesetnica koji su, kao vlasnici gradskih zemljišta, također bili obavezni plaćati poreze. Porez se plaćao prema veličini fundusa. Analiza prosječne veličine posjeda potvrđuje da su tijekom druge polovice 17. stoljeća povećane ekonomske i socijalne razlike unutar gradskog društva. Stanovnici unutrašnjeg grada posjedovali su prosječno 1,5 - 2 fundusa, a u suburbijima 1,1 - 1,4. Na prosječnu veličinu posjeda utjecali su vlasnici većeg broja fundusa, samostani, Crkva, vojne i civilne službe Kraljevine, čiji broj fundusa raste posebno u unutrašnjem gradu. Oni posjeduju više od 20 posto gradskog zemljišta. Najveći pojedinačni vlasnici su isusovce. Većim brojem fundusa raspolažu također suci, senatori te plemstvo. U suburbijima pratimo suprotan proces, umjesto povećanja, postojeći fundusi se dijele na sve manje čestice. To je pokazatelj veće gustoće stanovanja u suburbijima, ali i sve većeg broja siromašnih građana čija je ekonomska snaga u padu. Uz analizu ekonomskih i socijalnih procesa u gradu popisi su izvor za procjenu broja stanovnika Varaždina krajem 17. stoljeća. Na temelju broja nastanjenih fundusa i prosječnog broja ukućana procijenjeno je da je krajem 17. stoljeća u gradu živjelo između 2850 i 3350 stanovnika. Popisi sadrže, uz ime i veličinu fundusa, informacije o smještaju, vrsti, kvaliteti zemljišta i iznosu plaćenog poreza ili pristojbe te je važan izvor za povijest katastra grada Varaždina. ; The city authorities in Varaždin compiled a number of lists of estate owners with the purpose of collecting the regular and supplementary taxes as well as other levies imposed by the city government. From the second half of the 17th century nine such records have been preserved, the last of which, dating from 1698, is a complete document, while the rest refer only to certain city areas. The records also provide information on the number of parcels owned by Jesuits, Pauline Fathers, prelates, members of the Varaždin Generalate, and customs offices, which, as owners of city parcels, were also required to pay taxes. The amount of these taxes depended on the size of their parcels. The analysis of the average size of estates shows that there is a noticeable economic and social divergence in the city during the second half of the 17th century. While the inner-city inhabitants owned 1.5 – 2 plots on average, in the suburbs the average estate size was between 1.1 and 1.4 plots. The average size of estates was affected by the owners of a larger number of plots, such as monasteries, the Church, and both military and civil services of the Kingdom. The number of their plots, particularly in the inner city is increasing and at the end of the 17th century they own more than twenty percent of city lands. The biggest individual owners are Jesuits. A larger number of plots is also owned by judges, senators and noblemen. In the suburbs, there is a completely different process at work. Instead of augmentation, the estates are being divided into smaller parcels of land. This proves a higher population density in the suburban areas, which resulted in an increased number of the poor and those citizens whose economic power is in decline. Besides allowing the analysis of the economic and social processes in the city, the records are a valuable source in estimating the number of inhabitants in Varaždin at the end of the 17th century. Taking into consideration the number of uninhabited plots and the average number of household members, between 2,850 and 3,350 inhabitants are estimated to have lived in Varaždin at that time. Except for the names and plot sizes, the records also contain the information on locations, types, quality of these lands and the amount of taxes and duties paid. They are therefore an important source in investigating the history of the land register of the city of Varaždin.

U legitimiranju komunističke vlasti u Hrvatskoj/Jugoslaviji nakon Drugog svjetskog rata važnu ulogu imale su i tradicionalne institucije zakonodavne, izvršne i sudbene vlasti. Njihovo oblikovanje u Federalnoj Državi/Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj započelo je 1943. te je nastavljeno do donošenja Ustava NRH 18. siječnja 1947., kojim dobivaju ustavnu potvrdu. U odnosu na njihove ustavne pozicije, u dosadašnjim istraživanjima poslijeratnog političkog sustava u Hrvatskoj zaključeno je da su stvarnu vlast i monopol odlučivanja imala najviša tijela KPJ, tj. KPH. Pri tome stvarni položaj i uloga središnjih državnih tijela u funkcioniranju političkog sustava vlasti u Hrvatskoj nakon 1945. do sada nisu sustavno istraženi te se ovim radom daje doprinos na tom području. Prezentiraju se rezultati istraživanja organizacije i djelovanja Sabora NRH u sustavu vlasti u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju formalnog federalizma i stvarnog centralizma (1945. – 1953.). Postavljeno je više istraživačkih ciljeva: odnos između njegova formalnog ustavnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja u sustavu vlasti, ustroj, sastav, zakonodavna djelatnost i druge funkcije, odnosi s KPH/SKH i republičkim institucijama vlasti, te utjecaj njegova djelovanja na svakodnevni život stanovništva. Njegova organizacija i djelovanje uspoređeni su s organizacijom i djelovanjem Narodne skupštine FNRJ, institucija zakonodavne vlasti drugih jugoslavenskih republika, te drugih država u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast, ponajprije Ruske Sovjetske Federativne Socijalističke Republike (RSFSR) i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika (SSSR). Postavljeno je nekoliko hipoteza koje su istraživanjem i potvrđene: ustavni položaj vrhovnog tijela državne vlasti u Hrvatskoj Sabor NRH nije ostvarivao u praksi; bio je organiziran po uzoru na Narodnu skupštinu FNRJ; njegova zakonodavna djelatnost nije uključivala stvarnu raspravu, već samo formalno normiranje prethodno definiranih političkih ciljeva i ideja KPH/SKH; u Saboru NRH nije bilo pluralizma političkoga mišljenja; građani su se obraćali Saboru NRH prvenstveno s ciljem ostvarivanja osobnih prava, ponajprije socijalnih. Osnovne metode korištene u istraživanju su kritička analiza izvora i komparativna metoda. Rezultati su prezentirani kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a u pojedinim poglavljima sistematizirani su u obliku grafičkih i tabličnih prikaza. Doktorskim radom daje se doprinos boljem poznavanju institucija i političkog sustava vlasti FD/NRH u razdoblju 1945. – 1953. Istraživanje može biti poticaj sličnim istraživanjima i u drugim bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama. Omogućuje se usporedba s političkim sustavima vlasti u drugim europskim državama u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast. ; The important role in legitimising the communist system of government in Croatia/Yugoslavia after the Second World War was played by the traditional institutions of legislative, executive and judicial government. Their organization in Federal State / People's Republic of Croatia began in 1943, and continued until the Constitution of the People's Republic of Croatia adoption on 18th January 1947, which gave them constitutional confirmation. As the supreme state governing institutions were declared People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament and its Presidium; Government of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme executive and administrative governing institution, and Supreme Court of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme judicial institution. In relation to their constitutional position, in previous researches of post-war political system in Croatia, was concluded that the real authority and decision-making monopoly had the highest body of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, ie. Communist Party of Croatia. In doing so, the actual position and the role of republic governmental institutions in the communist system of government in Croatia after 1945 haven't been systematically researched, and this doctoral thesis makes a contribution in this scope. The doctoral thesis presents the results of researching the organisation and activity of People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament during the period of formal federalism and actual centralism (1945 – 1953). The aim is to explain the realation between the constitutional and actual position of the Parliament in the communist system of government, its structure, composition, legislative activity, relations with the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communists of Croatia and republic governmental institutions, as well as the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population. Parliament's organisation and activity is also compared to the organisation and activity of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia, as well as with legislative institutions of the former Yugoslavian republics and other European states with established communist rule, primarily Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). A number of hypotheses are confirmed by research: the constitutional position of the supreme state governing institution, Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia didn't achieve in practice; it was organized on the model of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia; its legislative activity didn't include the actual debate, but only a formal adoption and promulgation of pre-defined political goals and ideas of the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communist of Croatia; in People's Republic of Croatia'a Parliament, there wasn't pluralism of political opinion; citizens addressed the Parliament, primarily with the aim of solving personal problems, especially social. Main methods used in research were critical analysis of resources (notably original, unpublished archival documents) and comparative method. The research results are presented by a combination of thematic and chronological approach. In certain chapters, they are systematized in the form of graphical and tabular overviews. Doctoral thesis is structured as follows. In the first, introductory chapter are explained the research topic, main goals, hypotheses and scientific contribution, methodology, as well as literature and resources used in the research. The chapter gives an overview of the previous researches relevant to the topic, and the classification of legislatures in such researches. The second chapter gives an overview of the Yugoslav/Croatian communist system of government and the position of legislatures in this system in theory. There are explained the main characteristics of the then revolutionary ideology of the ruling Communist Party, as well as formal constitutional provision. They are compared with the main characteristics of the Soviet communist system of government. It also gives an overview of the classical Marxist theory about the state, government and legislatures, and demonstrates how it was used in the writings and speeches of Yugoslav theoreticians and politicians. The third and fourth chapter give an overview of the People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament organization and activity in practice, divided into two chronological periods: until the adoption of the People's Republic of Croatia's Constitution in January 1947, and thereafter up in 1953. The fifth, concluding chapter, summarizes the main research results. Chapter six contains several appendixes: the results of parliamentary elections in Croatia 1946, 1947 and 1950; a list of councilors, ie. representatives in State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia and in People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament 1943 – 1953; a list of members of the Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia 1945 – 1953; a list of representatives from Croatia in Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia / National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1945 – 1953; a list of laws adopted by the National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1946 – 1953; a list of tables and figures used in doctoral thesis). Seventh chapter contains a list of sources and literature used in the research. Doctoral thesis contributes to better understanding of institutions and the political system of government in Croatia in the period 1945 – 1953. Comparative approach in the presentation of research results, gives a contribution to knowledge of the political system of government and central governing institutions in the former Yugoslavia, as well in the other former Yugoslavian republics. At the same time, it can be a impulse for similar researces in those states. It also enables comparation with the political systems of government and legislatures in other European states with established communist rule. Through the analysis of the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population, it gives contribution to the history of everyday life in communist Croatia and Yugoslavia.

U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.

U ovom radu, u razmatranju povijesnog razvoja stanovništva u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u razdoblju nakon sredine 1960-ih godina, težište je izlaganja na temi "druga demografska tranzicija." Analizirat ćemo demografska i socio-demografska obilježja toga razdoblja, sličnosti i razlike s etapom prethodne demografske tranzicije te podudarnost "druge demografske tranzicije" s posttranzicijskom etapom u razvoju stanovništva. Nastojat ćemo odgovoriti na temeljno pitanje koje se u tim razmatranjima postavlja: može li se na osnovi empirijske i znanstvene analize "druga demografska tranzicija" smatrati "posebnom, novom etapom u razvoju stanovništva" ili je ona samo drugo ime za posttranzicijsku etapu kao etapu nakon prethodne ("prve") demografske tranzicije. U novim razvojnim uvjetima i uz nove ekonomskosocijalne, tehničko-tehnološke, vrijednosne, kulturološke i socio-psihološke čimbenike, "druga demografska tranzicija" predstavlja kontinuitet u odnosu na ustanovljen trend smanjivanja nataliteta/fertiliteta u prethodnoj demografskoj tranzicij i, koji je u novim uvjetima života i rada te djelovanju novih, napose vrijednosnih čimbenika relevantnih za postindustrijsko i postmodernizacijsko društvo, usmjeren na postignuće generacijski ispodzamjenskog nataliteta/fertiliteta. ; The second demographic transition came about in European demographic literature as a topic in 1986. The authors thereof were Dutch demographers Dirk van de Kaa and Ron Lesthaeghe. Starting from the demographic-historical conceptualisation of the theory of demographic transition, it may be concluded that following the fi rst demographic transition, the stage the authors call the second demographic transition occured in the development of the population. This is however only another name for the post-transitional stage, whereby this term includes the continuity of demographic trends, while the term the second demographic transition explains the discontinuity between the periods of the fi rst and the second demographic transition. Van de Kaa (1987) emphasises that due to the impact of essential specifi c factors, essential diff erences emerged between these two transitions. During the second demographic transition, they were caused by secularisation and individualisation processes, and new factors linked with them (new value orientation; socio-psychological and other factors). They caused a decline of marriages; an increase in the number of cohabitations and other forms of life partnerships; an increase in the number of children born out of wedlock; an increase in the number of divorces; etc., which have become acceptable in the perception of the young generation. On the contrary, having children and the number of children have become a matt er of partners' free choice, as their primary goal is to achieve self-fulfi lment at personal level. It has all exercised an impact on a further fertility reduction, which started in the middle phase, and became intensifi ed in the late phase of the fi rst transition. Essential diff erences between the fi rst and the second transition, which the authors mention in the paper, have however arisen from the understandable fact that each period bear their own specifi c historical context and specifi c features of social diff erentiation. The authors point out that essential diff erences between the two transitions have further arisen from the main postulates they are based upon. The fi nal stage of the fi rst transition was based on balance (zero level) between low birth and death rates, and on stationary population. In the second demographic transition, birth and fertility rates tended to be reduced to the sub-replacement level, or, according to Lesthaeghe, to the sustainable sub-replacement fertility level, which, along with life prolongation, intensifi ed population aging, which demanded the so-called replacement migration as a compensation for the decrease in workforce. Starting from the thesis that the second demographic transition was a new stage in European demographic history, separated from the fi rst transition, the authors emphasised that there was no continuity in fertility reduction between the two transitions, as in the second transition, this trend was oriented towards the permanent and sustainable sub-replacement fertility level. However, many other demographers, such as R. Cliquet and D. Coleman, hold that between the two transitions, there was a continuity in demographic trends, in particular fertility reduction, which leaned on the low fertility level already achieved in the fi nal stage of the fi rst demographic transition. Our research has led to the identical conclusion, as it commenced from the fact that fertility reduction started in the middle phase of the fi rst transition and became intensifi ed in the late phase thereof; hence, fertility reduction in the second demographic transition continued to the balance of low levels of these rates, already achieved in the fi rst transition. The turn that occurred in the fi rst decade of the 21st century indicated to the possibility of the emergence of new factors in new social circumstances, which might infl uence the growth of birth/fertility rates. According to the available data, the total fertility rate in most of Western European countries grew and approximated the replacement level, yet did not exceed it. A longer period of studying this complex phenomenon is hence rate decrease to the sub-replacement level was irreversible and permanently sustainable in highly-developed countries.

Uvod: Hipertenzijauzrokujeoko6% smrti u svijetu i sve je učestalija i u odraslihi u djece. Dugo se smatralo da je hipertenzija među djecom uzrokovana sekundarno, uglavnom bolešću bubrega, no u stvarnosti je ona mnogo rjeđa nego ona primarnoga uzroka. Ukoliko se u djece otkrije i utvrdi hipertenzija i dijagnostičkom obradom se ne utvrdi uzrok, smatra se da je hipertenzija primarna. Povišene vrijednosti arterijskoga tlaka u djetinjstvu imaju tendenciju zadržavanja do odrasle dobi. S vremenom nastaju oštećenja ciljnih organa kao što su hiper trofijalijeve klijetke i zadebljanje stijenke karotidnih arterija. Osim oštećenja ciljnih organa, rezultati istraživanja ukazali su i na pridružene čimbenike rizika: preuhranjenost, pozitivnu obiteljska anamneza za kardiovaskularne rizike, nisku porođajnu tjelesnu masu, prehranu s velikim unosom soli, zasićenih masnih kiselina i visokim udjelom šećera, pijenje alkohola, pušenje duhana te sedentarni način života. Materijali i metode: Povišeni arterijski tlak u djetinjstvu se definira prema međunarodno prihvaćenim kriterijima i centilnoj distribuciji arterijskoga tlaka, objavljenim u četvrtom izvješću Task Force on Blood Pressure Controlin Children, premadobi, spolu i tjelesnoj visini. Rezultati: Primjenom međunarodno prihvaćenih kriterija, objavljenih u četvrtom izvješću Task Force on Blood Pressure Controlin Children, rezultati dosadašnjih istraživanja u svijetu pokazali su da se učestalost povišenoga arterijskog tlaka u djece kreće u rasponu od manje od jedan do 35%. U Hrvatskoj je primjenom navedenih kriterija zabilježena učestalost povišenoga arterijskog tlaka od 20,3% djece u prvom razredu osnovne škole, 39,5% u osmom i u 56,9% u trećem razredu srednje škole. Zaključak: Rezultati dosadašnjih istraživanja provednihu svijetu i u Hrvatskoj među školskom djecom, ukazali su na potrebu razvoja i implementacije preventivnih programa za kardiovaksularne rizike,prije nego što se usvoje rizične navike i ponašanja. Bolje razumijevanje kardiovaskularnih rizika u školske djece i mladih polazište je u unapređenju znanja o društvenom utemeljenju zdravlja školske djece, podizanju svijesti znanstvene i stručne javnosti o visokoj razini prisutnog kardiovaskularnog rizika u djetinjstvu i mladosti i razvoju znanstveno utemeljenih specifičnih mjera u okviru javno-zdravstvene politike kako bi se u budućnosti smanjio morbiditet i mortalitet od kardiovaskularnih bolesti. ; Introduction: Hypertension causes about 6% of all death worldwide and prevalence of hypertension is increasing in adults and in children. It has been considered that hypertension among children has secondary cause, mostly kidney disease, but it has been less common than the primary cause. If hypertension is detected in children and the cause is not revealed, hypertension is considered to be primary. Elevated blood pressure has a tendency to track from childhood to adulthood. Over time, damage to target organs, such as left ventricular hypertrophy and carotid artery wall thickening, occur. In addition, the results of the study also pointed to the associated risk factors such asoverweight, positive family history of cardiovascular risks, low birth weight, eating habits with high salt intake, saturated fatty acids and sugar, alcohol consumption, tobacco 10 smoking and sedentary lifestyle. Materials and methods: Elevated blood pressurein childhood is defined according to internationally accepted criteria and percentile distribution, by age, sex and body height,developed and published in fourth report of the Task Force on Blood Pressure Control in Children. Results: Using criteria published in fourth report of the Task Force on Blood Pressure Control in Children, the results of the studies conducted among childrenand adolescents worldwide have shown prevalence of elevated blood pressure from less than 1% to 35%. Using internationally accepted criteria, the prevalence of elevated blood pressure in Croatia from 20.3% children in first grade, 39.5% in eighth grade of elementary school to 56.9% in third grade of high school, has been reported. Conclusion: The results of the studies in school children worldwide and in Croatia have point to the need of development and implementation of preventive programs for cardiovascular risks, before acceptance of risk behaviours. Better understanding of cardiovascular risks in school-aged children is a starting point for improvement of knowledge about the social foundations of youngster's health. It raises awareness of scientists and health professionals about the high level of cardiovascular risks in school age and need for development of evidence-based specific measures within public health policy that could help to reduce morbidity and mortality of cardiovascular diseases in the future.

The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjastvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capability to develop into, and ought to become, the substratum of a (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-71, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. Theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include the following: firstly, Croatian Constitutional Court jurisprudence on ethnic and religious communities; secondly, systematic history of law and state in Croatia and Yugoslavia 1945-90; thirdly, transformation of both communism and catholicism into ethnonationalism; fourthly and fifthly, social structure and representation/agency. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The subject-matter are the following features of Catholicism as an institutionalized religion, especially in Croatia 1961-71: (1) law, i.e. (1.1) sources of law; (1.2) internal law (organs, members, means); (1.3) external law (relations with the state and non-Catholics); (2) the Church and economy; (3) the Church and nation; (4) Catholicism on theory and practice. The hypotheses (which are ideal-types and as such cannot be either verified or falsified conclusively) are that ethnonationalism in Croatia is a consequence of, inter alia, the following beliefs maintained by the Catholic Church in Croatia in the 1960s and to a significant degree later on: 1. the only acceptable relationship between the Church and the state is the partnership of two legally equal public orders over the same subjects within which the Church has the exclusive power to regulate matrimonial and other family relations, and the power to control education in public schools; 2. peasant family is the basic organic human community; 3. the subjects to the ecclesiastical -- originally feudal -- power tied in fact to land make the ethnic community (Croatian: narod), which is united with the clergy into the Christian community (Croatian: krscanski narod); 4. since fundamental truths are accessible by theology only, and practice is an application of theory, practical knowledge, especially on the appropriate relationship between the Church and the state, is valid only if in accord with Church teaching. The evidence presented in the paper supports to a significant degree the hypotheses. The research findings contribute to the solution of all the theoretical problems, providing major contributions to the second and the third: the most probable reason why the Catholic Church in Croatia was rather silent in the Yugoslav and Croatian Spring 1961-71 and quite vocal since the 1990 is the Croatian Church's allegiance in matters of Church and state more to the First than to the Second Vatican council (which abandoned the Church's "divine" right to be co-sovereign with the state, exposing the "right" as a human invention of the sacred); the Church's ethnonationalism, which facilitates the political partnership of the Church and the state and ensures the dominant position of the clergy within the Church, has coincided with the interest of Yugoslav communists to retain their might and power by a metamorphosis, with the Church's assistance honoured by a concordat, into Croatian ethnonationalists, who, as newly born capitalists, have appropriated the greater part of the former socialist property and continue appropriating the greater part of present public goods. Adapted from the source document.

U tekstu se prikazuju prvi poratni napori u očuvanju i restauriranju spomenika bombardiranog Senja te planovi za njegovo revitaliziranje. Stanje u Senju stavlja se u povijesnu perspektivu istraživanja započetih u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća, a prvih pet godina konzervatorskog djelovanja prikazuje se prema arhivskim vrelima u tekstu i slici. Uz već poznata imena hrvatskih konzervatora, u tekstu se donose podaci o ulozi Vuka Krajača u planiranju očuvanja i razvitka toga povijesnoga grada. ; The paper examines information from the history of research and preservation of both individual monuments and the urban image of Senj. While the focus of interest is on the years following the Second World War, the frst section of the text recalls the pre-war national tradition of town research. The author argues that, in depicting events in the wake of wartime devastation, an account could to be given either of continuity or of the setting up of new principles in conservation and urban planning. Thus the frst portion of the paper centres on researchers who, prior to the bombardments, had set up a kind of cult of monuments in Senj as a nationally relevant town. This was a tradition launched by Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski in his travelogues and topographic descriptions of the monuments and then picked up by local researchers Stjepan Sabljak, Mile Magdić and Pavao Tijan. From the mid-19th to the mid-20th century, this creation of the image of Senj as a heritage setting was equally the work of travel writers, painters and photographers. The nearly hundred-year-old tradition saw contributions from renowned scholars Gjuro Szabo and Artur Schneider, as well as photographers Ivan Standl, Ljudevit Griesbach and Josip Kratochwill. After the bombardments, Senj awoke to the end of the Second World War as one of the most devastated of Croatian towns. Following the initial reactions of Senj photographer Ivan Stella in 1943 and the first inspection by conservator Tihomil Stahuljak in 1945, life in the ravaged town continued in the new state. The official attitude to Senj also indicates problems in the setting up of a new conservation system in the People's Republic of Croatia. The town was relatively far away from both Zagreb and Rijeka, situated at the ends of the regional offices' jurisdictions. In the months after the war, the town was inspected by Zagreb conservators Ljubo Karaman, Anđela Horvat and Ana Deanović, and, once the Conservation Department in Rijeka was established, the task was taken up by Mladen and Branko Fučić, Aleksandar Perc and Iva Perčić. The paper reveals records from the archives of the Conservation Department in Zagreb, kept by the Croatian Ministry of Culture. In a chronological overview, information is presented from travel reports, studies and correspondence from the time of the Five-Year Plans, a period that was quite promising for Senj. These practical assessments and recommendations are examined in their social context, i.e. within the framework of political reforms by the new communist state. While the Zagreb and Rijeka conservators drafted basic documents such as the Protocol on the Protection of Heritage in the Town of Senj of 1947, insisting on the concepts of maximum preservation of the historical setting, the inability to set up a permanent conservator in the town opened the way for appointments of honorary conservators. Although only appointed in 1949, Vuk Krajač was recognized soon after the war as an important ally of conservation ofcials. He authored the Study on the Regulation of the Town and Port of Senj of February 1949, where he discussed the preservation of the character of the historical town setting (as seen by the influential Gjuro Szabo prior to the devastation) and its development into a socialist town: one wellconnected and with developed industry and tourism, growth of population, cultural activity, physical culture and trade. The article draws attention to how the ravaged historical setting of Senj was treated. Krajač, as a man with the confdence of Zagreb and Rijeka conservators, fought in his home town for procedures of reconstruction (Gulden Tower and Lipica Tower) and adaptation with stylistic restoration (transformations of Vukasović Palace into the City Museum, Ježić Palace into a theatre building and the Grand Magazines into state ofces and ofcials' residences), as well as for substitutional new architecture with commemorative features (project for the Uskok Mausoleum at the site of the demolished St. Francis' Church). He took the city walls with their towers, as depicted by Valvasor, as a model for the efforts to bring the town back to life.

Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.

The political and social renascence that took place in the latter part of the 19th century made possible the revival of economic, cultural, and artistic activities. This became particularly evident in the building activity spreading, as in the rest of Europe of that period, in the wake of the then fashionable neo-styles that made a somewhat belated appearance at Vis. A Neo-Gothic building, designed to house the premises of the Hrvatski Dom, was built in the central part of the water-front (luka) et the very beginning of the current century, while a Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house was erected for the Tramontana family in 1911. The local school, designed by the native architect Marinković, was built in the Neo-Classicist style in 1910. The building housing the Army Club premises (Dom JNA) and the new fishmarket were also erected in the Neo-Classicist style. Some Neo-Classicist tombs may be seen on the cemetery where the Neo-Renaissance Dojmi Chapel stands out among other monuments. A Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house, belonging to the Mardešić Gariboldi family, was built at Komiža in in the early part of the current century, while the construction of a building in the Secessionist style (The Hum Café) followed shortly. The trend prevailing at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries is evident also in a series of simple, modest houses designed in no definite style at all, but containing elements of various neo-styles or of the Viennese Secession in their facades. Gutters for carrying off rain water, usually sunk in decorative roof cornices supported by consoles; rows of tall windows with simply dressed stone frames that were molded in some cases; standard shop entrances in the ground floor; balconies with wrought-iron balustrades; basement windows protected with iron grating, etc., all these elements were commonplace during that period lasting through the thirties of the current century when the increasing use of concrete almost entirely repleced stone as building material, rendering the facade construction an utterly simple affair. Among the movables dating from the above mentioned period, the Neo-Gothic furniture of the pharmacy (Narodna Apoteka) at Komiža, and the home furniture owned by the Lučić-Roki family at Vis (designed by Dragutin Inkiostri Medenjak, painter and decorator, 1866-1942) are worth mentioning. So are several pieces of furniture, etc., dating from the late 19th and early 20th centuries scattered in various houses on the island. Two painters native from Komiža, Vinko Foretić and Miho Marinković, contributed to the development of the modern art in Croatia during the early part of the current century. While the former returned to his native island after years of youthful wanderings, dedicating his ability to landscape painting and portraying of life and people of Komiža, the latter ended his days as a university professor (member of the Faculty of Architecture) in Belgrade. Boasting marvellous scenery and views of the sea, picturesque water-front and interesting fishermen popular even abroad, Komiža has attracted a number of artists for a long period now. One of them was Đuro Tiljak who came to live on the island time and again where he painted considerable number of his canvases. A memorial collection of his works, comprising all his creations involving the island, was opened at Komiža in 1967. The Island of Vis, having played a most important part in the People's Revolution, has a special niche in its history. Owing to its geographical position, lying far from the mainland in the open sea, the island, turned into a wartime garrison by the People's Liberation Army as soon as Italy surrendered to the Allies in 1943, became an impregnable fortress in the Adriatic, successfully resisting the attacks of German forces in the area. That is why a number of localities and structures on the island, reminding us of those eventful years, are significant not only for the history of Dalmatia but of the whole of Yugoslavia. The glorious days of the recent past are re-awakened by memorial tablets or slogans found on old stone-built houses in the island villages and hamlets; by graves of fallen partisans scattered in a number of grave-yards and on the former aerodrome – once a lonely window flung open to the outer world and now a peaceful green vineyard; and also by miscellaneous articles or documents surviving in the silanders' homes. Numerous traces of red – or blue – painted slogans still found on the walls of houses at Vis, Komiža, Podšpilje, Marinje Zemlje, Dračevo Polje, Podstražje, and other villages and hamlets on the island, bear eloquent testimony to the wartime events, particularly to the significant ones in 1944. The cave located to the nort-west of Borovik is no doubt the most important monument belonging to that period as it served as sheltered headquarters for the People's Liberation Army from where its Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, controlled its activities in the field aiming at the liberation of the country. The cave has therefore been named Titova Špilja. Several memorial tablets have been erected in the post-war period, either to mark some historic spots or to honour the victims of the Fascist persecution, fallen partisans, etc., Among the memorial tablets set up at Komiža, the one on the Tower is in memory of the 1940 municipal election victory of the workpeople of Komiža when 18 councilmen were returned, who directed the municipal affairs under the leadership of the Communist Party of Croatia; others, set up on various houses at Vis, mark the one-time seats of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia for the central Dalmatian archipelago, and of the Regional Committee of the People's Liberation Movement, etc. A memorial tablet, set up on the Kučić Family house at Komiža, reminds us of the decision made by the local Communist Party Committee in 1941 to start attacking the invader's forces, while the inscription on another tablet erected on the house owned by Luka Borčić (at Žena Glava), records the spot where – from January through October 1944 – the Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia conducted the armed revolt of the people against the Fascist invader. Fallen partisans have been hounoured by memorial tablets set up at Vis, Komiža, Podstražje, Marinje Zemlje, Podšpilje, and on the Island of Biševo. Both native and British airmen, killed in action in the course of the struggle for liberation, have also been honoured, the native flyers at Velo Polje and the British at the Čunkovica crossroads. Monuments remind us of the executed hostages at Vis and Komiža in 1943 while a memorial tablet records the spot where Nikola Marinković – Top was killed. As a part of the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the stay on the island (in 1944) of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, of the headquarters of the People's Liberation Army, and of Marshal Tito himself, several buildings were dedicated in 1964 to the fighters killed in action and to the victims of Fascist cruelty. Among such buildings are the memorial school, designed by the Architect N. Šegvić, and the memorial premises for popular meetings, etc., designed by S. Planić. A memorial well built at Podšpilje bears the inscription of some verses by J. Franičević and of names of the fallen fighters. A large monolith erected at Vis marks the spot where the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the People's Liberation Army, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, reviewed the First Dalmatian Brigade decorating it for bravery with the Order of People's Liberation. A sentence from his speech reading: »Tuđe nećemo – svoje ne damo« (We do not what is not ours but we will not surrender what is ours) has been cut in the monolith. A number of buildings at Vis bear inscriptions recording various wartime events, e. g. the stay there (in 1944) of the presidium of the Anti-Fascist Council of Yugoslavia, of the People's Committe, of the Vis Island District Committee, etc. Some buildings at Komiža are marked in a similar way, and we learn from the inscriptions which of the houses were occupied by the Military Command, Military Hospital, Refugee Collecting Station, etc. Memorial tablets have also been set up at Borovik Village, in order to mark the houses once occupied by the Centrl Comittee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the 26th Division Headquarters, and the Soviet, British, and American military missions. The Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, the Agitprop, the Slobodna Dalmacija Editorial Office, etc., were housed at Žena Glava Village, while various aerodrome services etc. had their quarters at Marinje Zemlje. The headquarters of the 1st Dalmatian Brigade and 3rd Overseas Brigade were at Podselje. A number of miscellaneous movable articles connected with the People's War of Liberation have been preserved and are now on show at the Museum at Vis as also in some private homes. A significant architectural contribution has been recorded on the island in the field of building construction. The Yugoslav Army Club premises at Komiža and a number of handsome dwelling-houses (all designed by the Architect Vitić) and the large Wine Cellars (designed by the Architect Fabris) are particularly noteworthy.