Suchergebnisse

Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society

Indonesia has a long history in the agricultural management sector. The economic development in Indonesia shows that the development of the agricultural sector has a made great contribution to the change in the Indonesian economy. Agriculture also has an important role in providing employment. providing raw materials for other sectors. as foreign exchange. and as the basis for the food security of the Indonesian population. In the national policy. the government has prioritized the subsidies in the agricultural sector to stimulate it to be more productive. This research has some aims i.e.: to describe the role of the agricultural sector based on the distribution of household income groups in Indonesia; to describe the impact of household income level groups if the subsidies in the agricultural food sector or Indonesia have increased. The research was conducted by using the analysis of Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) with 2008 database. The food sectors are classified into: sector production of: rice. corn and soybeans. other crops. poultry meat (traditional farms). poultry meat (medium and large farms). eggs. forestry and hunting. fishing and others. The results of the study after the policy injection (simulation) show that the food industry has experienced a significant increase in productivity among the economic sectors. Agricultural entrepreneurs are the group that experienced a high increase in income among farming households. In addition. linkage analysis showed that the commodities of other food industries has experienced forward and backward linkages.

Masalah gizi utama menjadi semakin serius akibat terjadi krisis ekonomi dan politik yang diperparah dengan adanya berbagai bencana (kekeringan, dll) di berbagai daerah di Indonesia, termasuk Kediri. Bencana kekeringan yang terjadi di Jawa Timur, termasuk di Kab. Kediri, telah berdampak pada penurunan produksi dan mempengaruhi ketersediaan pangan ditingkat rumahtangga, terutama pada keluarga miskin (gakin). Disisi lain hasil PSG Jatim (2000) menunjukkan Kabupaten Kediri memiliki prevalensi KEP (bayi dan balita) tertinggi di Jawa Timur (KEP nyata 10,20% dan KEP total 37,09%). Penelitian ini secara umum bertujuan untuk menganalisis konsumsi, status kelaparan dan status gizi kelompok rawan (balita dan ibu) pada keluarga miskin di daerah rawan pangan Kabupaten Kediri, Jawa Timur. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian observasional deskriptif dengan disain studi cross sectional . Populasi penelitian adalah keluarga miskin (berdasarkan kriteria kemiskinan yang berlaku setempat) di daerah rawan pangan gizi kecamatan terpilih Kabupaten Kediri, Jawa Timur. Sampel penelitian adalah keluarga miskin yang mempunyai balita di daerah rawan pangan-gizi di wilayah terpilih di Kabupaten Kediri yaitu Kecamatan Semen dan Gampengrejo. Responden adalah ibu dan ayah balita. Besar sampel penelitian ditetapkan secara Quota Sampling, yaitu sebesar 50 keluarga miskin (gakin). Secara purposif dengan memperhatikan aspek proporsional, maka ditetapkan secara langsung besar sampel di wilayah kecamatan Semen (barat sungai) yaitu 30 keluarga dan di kecamatan Gampengrejo (timur sungai) yaitu 20 keluarga. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keluarga di kedua kecamatan sebagian besar (>50,0%) terdiri dari 5-6 orang (tergolong keluarga sedang), orang tua (ayah dan ibu) balita (>70,0%) berpendidikan masih rendah (tamat SD) dengan usia ibu antara 20 � 30 tahun dan ayah 30 - 40 tahun, bermata pencaharian utama sebagai buruh bangunan dan buruh tani dengan pendapatan rendah (masih dibawah garis kemiskinan). Ketersediaan bahan makanan keluarga miskin pada saat paceklik untuk jenis pangan pokok beras atau campuran ( beras- singkong, beras jagung) sebagian besar (>50%) menyatakan relative cukup makan untuk sehari-hari, namun jenis pangan lain (lauk, sayur, buah) dirasakan sebagian besar keluarga (>70%) adalah kurang, bahkan sebagian lain dalam keadaan sangat kurang. Kebiasaan makan keluarga miskin saat tidak paceklik sebagian besar 3 kali sehari dengan variasi antara 2 -3 kali per hari, namun pada saat paceklik bervariasi 1 - 3 kali per hari, bahkan ada sebagian kecil keluarga (6,7%) hanya makan 1 kali/hari. Paceklik menyebabkan perubahan kebiasaan makan (jumlah dan jenis) pada sebagian (> 25 %) keluarga miskin, terutama di Semen. Perubahan jenis yang dikonsumsi berlangsung secara bertahap, terutama jenis makanan pokok yaitu awalnya beras dicampur dengan jagung atau lainnya, kemudian makin lama porsi campuran makin besar. Makanan pokok dan sayuran dikonsumsi rutin tiap hari, namun pangan hewani dan buah masih sangat jarang dikonsumsi pada saat paceklik maupun tidak paceklik. Hidangan menu keluarga miskin di kecamatan Semen sebagian besar (50,0%) cukup sederhana (makanan pokok dan sayur), sedangkan di sebagian besar (42,0%) terdiri dari makanan pokok dan sayuran dan sebagian lainnya (42,0%) terdapat tambahan lauk berupa lauk nabati, (tahu dan tempe). Sumber protein sebagian besar bertumpu pada protein nabati yang berbasis kacang-kacangan dan pangan hewani relatif jarang menjadi bagian menu keluarga di kedua kecamatan sebagian besar (50,0%) masih tergolong defisit berat atau berisiko kelaparan. Keluarga miskin di Semen lebih banyak mengalami defisit berat ( 60%) normal (baik), namun saat paceklik terjadi peningkatan kejadian balita KEP, meskipun masih dalam taraf ringan (KEP ringan). Kejadian KEP balita di Semen banyak terjadi pada kelompok usia 12 - 35 bulan, sedangkan di Gampengrejo pada kelompok usia 24 - 47 bulan. Status gizi ibu bervariasi dari kurus tidak sehat hingga obesitas, namun sebagian besar (>70%) tergolong normal. Ibu balita kurang berisiko mengalami masalah intake yang mengarah kelaparan dibandingkan balita. Kejadian KEP (ringan dan sedang) pada balita di kedua kecamatan terjadi pada keluarga dengan rerata tingkat konsumsi kurang dari 70% AKG maupun 81-120 % AKG. Namun demikian KEP lebih banyak terjadi pada keluarga yang memiliki rerata tingkat konsumsi kurang 70 % AKG Energi. Keadaan konsumsi keluarga dalam taraf kelaparan maupun tidak kelaparan, status gizi balita dan ibu balita di kedua kecamatan sebagian besar masih tergolong baik (normal), meskipun sebagian di Kec. Semen (36,7%) dan Kec. Gampengrejo (45,0%) balita mengalami KEP dengan berbagai tingkat (ringan dan sedang) dan ibu tergolong kurus (15,4 % di Kec. Semen dan 20,0% di Kec. Gampengrejo). Ibu balita (isteri) perlu diberdayakan dengan pembekalan ketrampilan pengolahan aneka ragam makanan agar dapat menyediakan menu keluarga beragam dan seimbang. Selain itu masalah gizi pada keluarga miskin di daerah rawan pangan tidak mungkin hanya diselesaikan dari sisi kesehatan saja, apabila aneka kemiskinan tidak dikurangi dan keadilan semakin merata. Masalah gizi harus diupayakan menjadi isu politis guna memperkuat komitmen.

Vulnerable Children and Children with Special Condition (Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan or AKKR) are children who must receive assistance and motivation to achieve their rights. In practice in real life, they are temporarily forced to be in correctional institutions/detention centers/Institute for Special Development Children (LPKA) as a result of violating the law. It should not make them shunned, but instead, they must be assisted. Vulnerable Children and Children with Special Condition need enforcement of the fulfillment of their rights. The existence of Sahabat Kapas as a nonprofit non-governmental organization (NGO) located in Karanganyar, Central Java, Indonesia, provides concerns and solicitudes for Vulnerable Children and Children with Special Condition. This research aims to analyze and describe the forms of social practice based on habitus in Sahabat Kapas organization. This research used a qualitative research method with Bourdieu's genetic structuralism approach. Informants were determined using purposive sampling techniques. Data collection was performed using participant observation techniques in the field, in-depth interviews, and documentation studies. Data were analyzed in three stages, including data reduction, data presentation, and ended with concluding. Data were verified by source triangulation. The results showed that Sahabat Kapas became an alternative to assist Vulnerable Children and Children with Special Condition conducted in correctional institutions/detention centers/Institute for Special Development Children (LPKA). The social practices conducted by Sahabat Kapas in assisting Vulnerable Children and Children with Special Condition are following the capital they have and the history of the habitus they conduct. Relational social capital is at stake by assistants with prison officers and how to build relationships with children. Economic capital refers to the efforts made by Sahabat Kapas to get funds to support assistance through entrepreneurship and opening donations. Cultural capital includes the whole intellectual/knowledge gained by assistance through training that is useful to assist children in correctional institutions/detention centers/Institute for Special Development Children (LPKA). Symbolic capital is manifested in the form of awards from the government for Sahabat Kapas and assistance awards for children in the form of gifts. ; Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan (AKKR) adalah anak yang harus mendapat bantuan dan motivasi untuk mendapatkan haknya. Pada praktiknya dalam kehidupan nyata, mereka untuk sementara waktu terpaksa berada di Lapas/Rutan/Lembaga Pembinaan Khusus Anak (LPKA) akibat melanggar hukum. Seharusnya hal itu tidak membuat mereka dijauhi, tapi malah harus dibantu. Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan membutuhkan penegakan hukum dalam pemenuhan haknya. Keberadaan Sahabat Kapas sebagai sebuah lembaga swadaya masyarakat (LSM) nirlaba yang berlokasi di Karanganyar, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia, memberikan perhatian dan kepedulian bagi Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan bentuk-bentuk praktik sosial berbasis habitus di organisasi Sahabat Kapas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan strukturalisme genetik Bourdieu. Informan ditentukan dengan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik observasi informan di lapangan, wawancara mendalam, dan studi dokumentasi. Analisis data dilakukan dalam tiga tahap, yaitu reduksi data, penyajian data, dan diakhiri dengan penarikan kesimpulan. Data diverifikasi dengan triangulasi sumber. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Sahabat Kapas menjadi alternatif pendampingan Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan yang dilaksanakan di Lapas/Rutan/Lembaga Pembinaan Khusus Anak (LPKA). Praktik sosial yang dilakukan Sahabat Kapas dalam mendampingi Anak-Anak dalam Kondisi Khusus dan Rentan mengikuti modal yang mereka miliki dan riwayat habitus yang mereka lakukan. Modal sosial relasional dipertaruhkan oleh pendamping dengan petugas lapas dan bagaimana membangun hubungan dengan anak. Modal ekonomi mengacu pada upaya Sahabat Kapas untuk mendapatkan dana bantuan melalui wirausaha dan membuka donasi. Modal budaya mencakup seluruh intelektual/pengetahuan yang diperoleh dengan bantuan melalui pelatihan yang berguna untuk mendampingi anak di Lapas/Rutan/Lembaga Pembinaan Khusus Anak (LPKA). Modal simbolik diwujudkan dalam bentuk penghargaan dari pemerintah kepada Sahabat Kapas dan penghargaan pendampingan kepada anak-anak berupa hadiah.

AbstrakArtikel ini memberikan informasi mengenai kebebasan dan hak pilih khususnya tentangkebebasan dan hak pilih wanita. Hak pilih adalah sesuatu yang diberikan kepada orang untukmemilih kepala negaranya. Hak pilih wanita di Amerika Serikat telah melewati perkembangansejarah yang panjang, diperlukan adanya sebuah pergerakan sosial agar wanita dapat memilikihak pilihnya dalam pemilihan di negara tersebut. Pada awal mula pemilihan di Amerika Serikat,hak pilih diberikan kepada lelaki berkulit putih yang memiliki kekuasaan dan kekayaan. Pendirinegara tersebut berpikir bahwa hak pilih seharusnya diberikan kepada mereka yang dapatmemimpin dirinya sendiri, wanita tidak termasuk ke dalam kriteria tersebut. Pergerakan inimembawa sebuah perubahan pada pemerintahan di Amerika Serikat. Amandemen ke sembilanbelas menyatakan bahwa wanita memiliki hak pilihnya dalam pemilihan di Amerika Serikat. Kata-kata Kunci : Hak pilih wanita, sejarah pergerakan, demokrasi liberal, pemilihanumum, dan Amerika Serikat AbstractThe aim of this article is to give an information about freedom and suffrage especially aboutwoman freedom and suffrage. Suffrage is something that is given to the people to vote for theirleader of the state. Woman suffrage in United State America have been through a long history,where a social movement for women's suffrage in elections in the United States was required. Atthe begining of the election history in the United States the right to vote was given to the whitemen who have abundant wealth. The founders of the state assume that voting right should begiven to those who can lead theirselves, and women were excluded from that criteria. Thismovement resulted in the change of the Government of the United States. The nineteenthamendment to the constitution states that women have the right to vote in elections. Keywords: woman suffrage, history movement, demokrasi liberal, pemilihan umum, UnitedState of America

Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. 5, No. 1, Juni 2016, p. 99-117 ; In the history of UN peace operations, East Timor is one of the peace operations that are considered successful. The role played by the United Nations not only focus on peacemaking efforts with the mediator between Indonesia and Timor Leste freedom fighters, but also in peacekeeping and peacebuilding programs such as peacekeeping operations and the development of economic, political, social and cultural. It is worth noting that the success achieved was due to the revolutionary strategy to evolve the role of the United Nations which is associated in an ad hoc institution with the specific mandate of these institutions. The formation of an ad hoc institution that makes the implementation of the program becomes more focused. Politically, these institutions have managed to map the needs, plans and steps needed to create peace in East Timor. Indeed the success of the strategy process and the United Nations in East Timor could be a recommendation for a model United Nations peacekeeping operation in the world.

ABSTRACTNationalism, ideology based on the premise that the individual's loyalty anddevotion to the nation state surpass other individual or group interest nationalismis a modern movement. A consciousness of the part of individuals or groups ofmembership in a nation, whether one's or another. A state of mind, permeating thelarge majority of people and climing to permeate all its members, it recognizes thenation state as the ideal form of political organization and the nationality as thesource of all creative cultural energy and economic will being.Nationalism is a political, social, and economic system characterized by thepromotion of the interest of particular nation, especially with the aim of gainingand maintaining sovereignty (self governance). The supreme loyalty of man istherefore do to this nationality, as his own life is supposedly rooted in and madepossible by its welfare.The policy or doctrine of asserting the interest of one's own nation viewed asseparate from the interest of all nation and idiom or trait peculiar to a nation, amovement, as in the arts, based upon the folk idioms, history, aspirations of anation. Nationalism is a strong attachment to a particular country or nation. It isalso called patriotism many historians consider nationalism to be one of the mostimportant forces in shaping modern history. Nationalism can have a positiveinfluence by giving people a sense of belonging to a national community.Integral nationalism, this stage of nationalism centers the nation and its state in thelife of all citizens. Instead of a state being committed to supplying public goods tocitizens, this form of nationalism emphasizes individuals sacrifice for the benefit ofthe nation and its government.Nationalism is a simple and relativist political ideology that holds tremendous waywith millions of voters and many government. Nationalism's adaptability to mostlocal conditions allows it to thrive, especially when supported by a governmentintent on expanding its own power, domestically and internationally. It's andattractive ideology for political leaders, as it provides a ready made and widelybelieved justification for increased political power in order to make the nation.Indonesia's leader want to wean the country off commodities and push investmentin value added manufacturing and services to emulate the success of countries. Theargument that Indonesia needs to focus on overhauling education andinfrastructure to lift the country's productivity and help boost its economy.Its vision of the inevitable transformation of the nation state system by globalprocesses that the nation state was entering a period of crisis. The argue thatnationalism would only intensity as states the growing challenge of globalization.

The existence of ASEAN trully did not comes apart from concerns about the South East Asian Nations which has conflicted, for example like the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, territorial demand between Phillipine and Malaysia on Sabah, also the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation. From those backgrounds, the South East Asian Nations especially Indonesia and Malaysia which recently conflicted, realizes the needs to form a cooperation to reduce tension, to construct confidence building and pushing regional cooperation growth which felt have no progress after each nations receive its independence. 8 August 1967 is the first ASEAN formation spearheaded by five Ministers of Foreign Affair from Indonesia, Phillipine, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, which resulted in the signation of ASEAN Declaration or known as The Bangkok Declaration and it also means ASEAN is formally created. One of the ASEAN's aim is "to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural growth in South East Asia Nations." Nevertheless, in actualizing ASEAN's growth it is not as easy as turning the palm of a hand, various national interest affected ASEAN's policy. Resulted to outdraw the main aim that have been agreed by the Nations, informal or formal conflict always happened in the middle of goverments effort in reducing conflict. For example, the arrest of KPLP Indonesian Officer by the Malaysian Royal Police, the accusation of Thailand to Malaysia in helping separatism of South Thailand, the dispute of Angkor Temple between Cambodia and Vietnam constituted on how the implementation of ASEAN's agreements are hard to happened. Although, the interesting parts are eventhough conflicts still exist between each Nations but open war which can cause many victims never happens. One of the secret why ASEAN Nations stays solid is the tolerance and togetherness underlied the brotherhood of South East Asia Nations. Which nowadays had been used as a strong reason to build trush building between each member for the advancement of ASEAN nations in the future. Social and cultural approaches through public diplomation, reconsiliation and bridging of kinship always be a reference in problem solutions, relativeness in ASEAN's history had always be an important point for ASEAN's progress until nowadays. Keywords : Cooperation, Kinship And Prospective

This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections' history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People's Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair's disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission's decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools. ; Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana kotak kosong menang pada Pilkada Makassar 2018. Fenomena ini menjadi sejarah pemilu dimana satu kandidat gagal memenangkan pemilu. Sepuluh partai politik yang terdiri dari Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar), Partai Nasional Demokrat (NasDem), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Gerindra), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat (Hanura), Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), dan Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (PKPI), mempromosikan pasangan calon tunggal tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana pergerakan relawan kotak kosong dalam Pilkada Makassar. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pemilihan informan menggunakan teknik snowball sampling, dan menggunakan teori pergerakan sosial. Ada tiga bagian teori ini: 1) Teori keluhan. Kekecewaan publik atas diskualifikasi pasangan calon dan menganggap penyelenggara pemilu tidak adil; 2) Teori struktur mobilisasi. Menganalisis pergerakan relawan kotak kosong untuk menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan selama pemilihan; dan 3) Teori framing. Analisis isu yang digunakan dan metode untuk menyebarkan isu. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa fenomena kotak kosong pada Pilkada Makassar, berbeda dengan pilkada di daerah lain yang pasangan calon tunggal tidak memiliki lawan, di Makassar salah satu pasangan calon didiskualifikasi karena melakukan pelanggaran. Hal itu membuat masyarakat, pendukung, dan tim sukses kecewa dengan keputusan KPU. Kekecewaan ini juga mengakibatkan munculnya gerakan relawan kotak kosong. Gerakan relawan kotak kosong menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan melalui sosialisasi dari pintu ke pintu, leaflet, flyer, dan spanduk ajakan bertindak untuk memenangkan kotak kosong dan menggunakan media sosial dan media online sebagai alat kampanye.

In the context of Aceh, the word "Ulama" refers to an Islamic scholar who own boarding school (In Aceh language known as Dayah) or a leader of an Islamic boarding school (known as Teungku Dayah). Ulama become "the backbone" of any social problem and play strategic and influential roles in Acehnese society. However, The Ulama roles have changed in the post-conflict era in Aceh. The assumption that Ulama are unable running their authorities in Acehnese society especially in the post-conflict era. Ideally, their roles are needed in the reconciliation regarding the agents of reconciliation who have authority like the Ulama and are trustworthy by Acehnese society. Therefore, this article aims to discuss the position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh. To investigate the problem, a descriptive qualitative method was used, where the method is to describe the nature of a temporary situation that occurs when the research is carried out in detail, and then the causes of the symptoms were examined. The data were literature studies, participatory observation, and in-depth interviews. The results of this research showed that during an important period of Aceh's history, the Ulama constantly become guardians that provide a religious ethical foundation for each socio-political change in Aceh, and subsequently they also act as the successor to the religious style that developed in the society. Even the formation and development of the socio-political and cultural system occurred partly on the contribution of the Ulama. The position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh can be found in four ways. Firstly, knowledge transmission. Secondly, as a legal decision-maker which refers to Sharia law, especially related to the reconciliation process. Thirdly, as a mediator. Fourthly, cultural roles in the form of ritual or ceremonial guides that are carried out when the parties of the conflict have met an agreement to reconcile. ; Dalam konteks Aceh, "Ulama" merujuk pada sosok individu yang memiliki Dayah (pesantren) atau pimpinan Dayah yang terkenal dengan sebutan Teungku Dayah. Pada ranah sosial, Ulama Aceh merupakan "tulang punggung" keputusan dalam berbagai hal. Ulama hadir sebagai kelompok strategis dan berpengaruh dalam kehidupan masyarakat Aceh. Namun, pasca konflik Aceh, telah terjadi dinamika pergeseran peran ulama di Aceh. Ada anggapan bahwa ulama tidak lagi mampu menjalankan otoritasnya dalam masyarakat, terutama pada masa pasca konflik. Padahal idealnya, ulama turut berperan dalam proses rekonsiliasi, mengingat saat ini belum ada agen rekosiliasi yang memiliki otoritas seperti ulama dan benar-benar dapat dipercaya oleh masyarakat Aceh. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini ingin mendiskusikan tentang posisi Ulama Aceh dalam proses rekonsiliasi pasca konflik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu suatu metode untuk menggambarkan sifat suatu keadaan yang sementara terjadi pada saat penelitian dilakukan secara detail, dan kemudian berusaha memeriksa sebab-sebab dari gejala tersebut. Data dalam penelitian ini bersumber dari studi pustaka, obeservasi partisipatoris dan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam setiap periode penting seajarah Aceh, ulama selalu hadir sebagai satu kekuatan yang memberi ladasan etis keagamaan bagi setiap perubahan sosial-politik di Aceh, dan selanjutnya ulama bertindak sebagai penerus corak keagamaan yang berkembang dalam masyarakat Aceh. Bahkan pembentukan dan perkembangan sistem sosial-politik dan budaya masyarakat Aceh terjadi sebagian atas kontribusi para ulama. Adapun Posisi ulama dalam proses rekonsiliasi di Aceh pasca konflik dapat dilihat dalam empat hal. Pertama, transmisi pengetahuan. Kedua, sebagai pengambil keputusan hukum yang bersumber dari ajaran Islam, terutama terkait dengan proses rekonsiliasi. Ketiga, sebagai mediator. Keempat, peran kultural yang berupa pemandu ritual atau seremonial yang dilakukan ketika pihak yang bertikai sudah menemukan kata sepakat untuk berdamai.