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The article deals with aspects of the interconnection of the phenomena of social trauma and social conflict, especially in the context of modern Ukrainian society, as well as in the context of the problems of Ukrainian studies discourse. The authors note the extreme importance of the phenomenon of social trauma in the state of health, in the vital program of the individual, in the collective self-identification of social groups, in particular of nations, and the problems and specifics of the manifestation of social trauma in philosophical and sociological sciences. Social trauma is capable to influence the personality's understanding of the meaning of its existence, the interpretation of the direction of development of social processes, the content of interpersonal and intergroup relations in the society. As a result of the defeat of one of the parties of a social conflict, the trauma itself can turn into a conflict factor in the social organism. The authors emphasize the diverse impact of social trauma on the emergence and course of social conflicts in interpersonal and intergroup spheres in the history and contemporary realities of Ukrainian society. It is emphasized that social trauma can be caused not only by real but also by fictional events, which can also cause social conflicts. The article emphasizes the extremely important role of the value positions of the subjects of social conflict in the ranking of traumatic events in the Convention of Ukrainian Studies, shows the influence of these positions on the interethnic and interclass relations in Ukraine. The peculiarities of the connection of social trauma with social conflicts in the life of the modern Ukrainian society in the post-truth situation are also analyzed. The authors emphasize that provoking social conflict by means of creating a post-truth situation if post-truth speculates on real or imagined social trauma is especially dangerous for the society. An ongoing social conflict will be deep and lasting. The manipulation of historical facts by placing them in a post-truth situation is illustrated in the article by facts from the sphere of hybrid warfare conducted by the Russian Federation in the eastern territories of Ukraine. The article explores several aspects of the impact of social trauma on social conflicts in the context of anomie in the spiritual life of the Ukrainian society.

The article analyzes the conflict between the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) and the totalitarian government and its projection on the contemporary ethno-religious processes in Ukraine. It is shown that the UAOC as a kind of modern ecclesiastical structure created under the heavy influence of the stormy events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, was Ukrainian in spirit and form, and brought up respect for national history and culture among Ukrainians and became an object of prosecution during the the Great Terror. It was revealed that the UAOC continued to be a Ukrainian religious organization and professed love for Ukraine, and its hierarchs and priests in their sermons called on believers to be Ukrainians, to respect their mother tongue, cultural history, customs and traditions also during the second half of the 1920th half of the 1930es. The UAOC was consistently persecuted and exterminated by the repressive structures of the USSR. It is shown that the Soviet authorities decided to destroy the UAOC finally, and ordered the repressive authorities to end the so-called «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists» in the ranks once and for all, so that the «Clergy» case concerning the activities of the Ukrainian counter-revolutionary national organization was fabricated. It has been revealed that the totalitarian regime accused the arrested believing Ukrainians of counter-revolutionary actions, the revival of church and religious life in Ukraine, the promotion of their own candidates in the upcoming elections to the Local Councils in order to incorporate their people into important state bodies in order to use foreign powers in the case of foreign intervention. It is established that as a result of the complex and purposeful repression of the totalitarian regime in Ukraine, the UAOC ceased its Ukrainian-centric activity and its remnants were finally destroyed. It is proved that only from the late 1980es, when the decline of communist ideology began, the Christians of Ukraine were able to restore Ukrainian church organizations, including the UAOC. It is revealed that the heavy post-colonial and post-totalitarian legacy and the subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of the Russian Orthodox Church and the former KGB agents have contributed to the escalation of conflicts in Ukraine.

Since the great historical event - the proclamation of the Act of Independence of Ukraine, the country has been expanding international cooperation in librarianship. The main areas of international cooperation, which is a priority in research institutions in the library business, are: conducting joint research; organization of international conferences, symposia, congresses and other events. Scientific conferences are one of the forms of dissemination of new information. In the modern information space, scientific institutions play an essential role in developing science, education and culture. Therefore, when evaluating a scientific institution, the number of international scientific and practical seminars, conferences, other events organized by the scientific institution, and materials (including collections of abstracts) of conferences are considered.Among the research institutions of Ukraine, which study the problems of library science, bibliography, bibliology, source studies, document science, archival science, biography, codicology and discography, history of book culture, computer science, social communications, the leading position is held by the most extensive library of Ukraine - the National Library of Ukraine, named after V. I. Vernadsky. Furthermore, the article analyzes the specifics of the organization of scientific conferences in a scientific institution, studies the directions and thematic content of such events, forms of conduct, their frequency during 1991-2021.

The Lyzohubs were Cossack chiefmen and at the same time a noble family, whose representatives have played a prominent and sometimes paramount role at different stages of state formation during the XVII-XX centuries within the territories that are now part of the modern Ukrainian state. Illya Lyzohub's personality (about 1720–1781), despite his high social status, has not been the subject of research by the academic community of historians. Indirectly, his biography was covered by genealogists G. A. Miloradovich, V. L. Modzalevskyi and V. V. Kryvosheya. O. M. Lazarevskyi, who studied the Lyzohubs family in general, managed to bring most of the facts about his life path into the scientific circulation. However, there were no more attempts made to summarize the data concerning Illya Lyzohub's life and activities in the national historiography. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to attempt to fill in the above mentioned lacuna, based on a wide range of written sources. Thus, on the basis of the methods of the so-called "new family history", socio-cultural transmissions and Illya Lyzohub's social ambitions as a representative of a chief Cossack family have been analysed. In the course of the study, interpersonal interactions between I. Lyzohub and Hetman K. G. Razumovsky, as well as Major General I. I. Golovin, have been studied. The latter are extremely important in the view of the analyzed genealogical relationship between Lyzohub and Golovin. Therefore, there is a reasonable opportunity to claim that Lizohubs are relatives of such writers with a worldwide name as A. S. Pushkin and L. M. Tolstoy. On the basis of memoirs and archival sources, it was possible to find information about most of Illya Lyzohub's places of residence, thus extending the geography of the study beyond the Hetmanate. Thus, the proposed article is, in its essence, the first biographical research of the life and activities of Illya Lyzohub.

The attempts to determine main fundamental historical myths, which were used by soviet and modern Russian ideologists for soviet person historical conscience formation and their overcome in modern Ukraine are represented in the article on the basis of scientific works, analysis of existent historians, political social analysts. The concept of «nation's friendship» dominated in historiography and public discussions in USSR during the decades. This concept successfully hided soviet type of imperialism and colonialism. It was the inheritance of new Ukrainian state. The struggle for Ukrainian nation's conscience between Ukraine and imperial Russia continued during the whole modern history of Ukrainian state. Russia tries to privatize the historical memory about Slavonic state origin and to use it for new imperial ideological project creation. Ukrainian scientistsand culture figures firmly resist to Russian ideological offensive at the same time getting tiny support from politicians. The winner in the war for national Ukrainian identity saving and Ukrainian political nation creation is going to be a person who will reveal the real Ukrainian history without ideological myths and post-imperial stereotypes.

On the basis of trade union periodicals, the principle of historicism, scientific and objective approach, the article analyzes and shows the statute and activities of the trade union of private servants of Eastern Galicia. The present state and development of the historiography of the problems, the history of the trade union movement was investigated, it was proved that the main event in the trade union movement of the middle of the ХІХ century became social processes in Eastern Galicia, which created a new working-class movement on the material and moral protection of workers. The study of this problem has an important scientific significance, since it enables to show the work of the first professional union of private employees, to analyze their program document and to show the evolution of trade union movement until the adoption of the Constitution of 1867. Among the works devoted to this topic, unfortunately, there are no monographs or scientific researches by Ukrainian scholars, therefore, in the article we rely on the study of Polish scholars: Bali Stanislav, Kishchinsky Lucian, and trade union periodicals, where there is an attempt to present the history of trade union movement in a new course of events. Thus, we can conclude that the Society for the Mutual Assistance of Private Servants was formed, the founding of which was sought or projected by employees from 1846. And, despite for political blockages, or attacks by employers and many other reasons, the suspension of the creation of a basic document, however, achieved the goal of 1867 - the Society began its activities.

The article presents the results of the study of the dialectic of value determinants of migration processes. The author emphasizes that the entire history of mankind is an illustration of the periodical increases or decreases in its mobility. In modern conditions of changing the established understanding of space and time as well as pandemic challenges, scientists face the problem of rethinking this phenomenon. In particular, in our opinion, the axiological determination of migration processes as one of the strategies of micro-level (family), group and social interaction, which can be both positive and antagonistic, requires special attention.
The creation of the concept of "axiological map of the migrant" was realized through the means of mapping: meridional and horizontal coordinate system, representing group and individual modes of values. Theoretical substantiation of the research topic was carried out in accordance with the following principles: indisputability (an a priori principle) of the structural organization of values and individualized variants of their hierarchy; the dependence of the existential variant of axiological map from the initial level of freedom of the emigrant and the potential to fluctuations of such level, which are determined by the localization of the exit and travel directions, social and legal statuses of the interacting parties, objective factors of social development, etc.; ensuring the process of comprehension of the "immanent meaning" (M. Weber) of the individual choice of diasporic existence, by studying the empirical-pluralistic coordinates.
It is argued that a society cannot exist without a generally accepted minimum of values, which ensures its functionality and multi-structural nature. Designing axiological maps of migrants in order to comprehend the "immanent meaning" of individual choice in building anti/migration strategies is a promising area of philosophical and political research. The study of projections of individual priorities will allow to adjust the directions of state policy in the field of education, social communication, economy, etc.

The article offers an analysis of the main trends in the development of historical education as an important component of the educational process in the higher school of Ukraine at the beginning of the 21st century. The problematic issues of transformation in the sphere of teaching of historical disciplines at the present stage are determined. Separately, the specific characteristics of teaching «History of Ukraine» in technical universities are examined. The authors consider the modernization of learning process in the institutions of higher education of Ukraine as a dialectic issue containing certain risks for humanities' component of bachelors' and masters' preparation. Important stages of this process were the events of 2009, 2014 and 2015. They demonstrated the fundamental divergence of views on the ways of higher schools' reforming in Ukraine of the most part of humanities' academic community on the one hand, and state bureaucracy on the other. The public debate on the role of historical disciplines in the preparation of modern graduates of higher schools of Ukraine revealed a number of pedagogical, didactical and methodological
problems. Foremost among these was recognized the challenge of distinguishing between secondary and higher school courses of «History of Ukraine». The subject of intense discussion is the mechanism for the enforcement of the problem and dialogical methods to the teaching process of the institutions of higher education. In the end, the conclusion was made according the aspiration of the senior management of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine to cut back as short as possible schedule of hours for humanities in the institutions of higher education (especially in the technical and military universities) can have serious social and political consequences. Ignoring the importance of the discipline «History of Ukraine» in developing of the technical students' and cadets' world view in the conditions of the «hybrid war» could become an essential precondition for defeat the informational war by Ukraine. Authors are emphasizing on attention that among the political elite of Ukraine dominate technocratic understanding of term «information security». As a result, historical disciplines are turning into outsiders of educational process thus making it more difficult to consolidate Ukrainian society in the period of the serious military-political crisis.

The article provides a comparative review of the history, current status and areas of scientific activity of the Sociological Association of Ukraine (SAU), its creative ties with the European and world sociological community, in particular, joint research with Polish scientists. It emphasizes that most of the Ukrainian sociologists SAU members work in universities, the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and public opinion research centers. Numerous sociological (theoretical and empirical) studies on various issues of vital activity of modern Ukrainian society are carried out by their efforts. It is noted that in addition to studying the issues of social transformation in its political, economic, legal, social and cultural aspects, that have become traditional for Ukrainian sociology, in recent years Ukrainian sociologists have turned to the analysis of such problems as external and internal migration (the problem of internally displaced persons); military conflict in the east of Ukraine and the volunteer movement; social inequality, including in its new manifestations, including those caused by the digitalization of public life. It is emphasized that today the most pressing issue of sociological reflection is the changes that occur in Ukraine after the last presidential election. Attention is focused on the fact that the victory of the political rookie in these elections was due to the huge social disappointments of the Ukrainians, since their expectations provoked by the Revolution of Dignity were not fulfilled. The first and most important disappointment, according to sociological studies, is the fact that peace has not reigned in the country. Second, the living standards of Ukrainian citizens have not improved. Third, the fight against corruption did not bring significant results. Fourth, social inequality deepened: the rich became richer, and the poor became poorer. The fifth disappointment is the inefficiency of the declared reforms: judicial, medical, educational, customs, electoral, etc. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of the new government depends, among other things, on its consideration of such features of the mass consciousness of the Ukrainian population as a critical level of distrust of all institutions of power; value and ideological ambivalence and uncertainty. The conclusions are formulated about the unlikeliness of return of Ukraine to the orbit of Russian political and economic influence, as well as the victory of radical nationalist ideology in our country.

The article addresses the electoral history of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands in the period from the beginning of 1980s till 2017, as well as features inherent in these parties. Similarities and differences between the nationalist, anti-immigrant parties of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, French Republic and Austria have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the nationalistically-oriented parties – French Front National ("National Front", from June 1st 2018 Rassemblement national – "National Rally"), Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs ("Freedom Party of Austria") and Dutch Partij voor de Vrijheid ("Dutch Party for Freedom") has been conducted. Influence of various problems present in these countries' societies on the electoral performance of the mentioned above parties has been analyzed. Research on the electoral trends and main reasons for the surge in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands has been carried out. Direct influence of the issue of illegal immigration (especially so – from the Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East) on electoral preferences of the Austrians, French and Dutch has been demonstrated. History of the creation of the modern-day leading right-wing populist political parties, as well as their ideological evolution has been thoroughly analyzed. The parties' differences in terms of political, social and economic aspects have been shown. Reasons for the right-wing populist parties' popularity in Austria, France and the Netherlands have been identified – among them, the most important ones are the increasing immigration of Muslims to these countries, as well as the growing distrust of the citizens of Austria, France and the Netherlands towards the governing bodies and policies of the European Union. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland's and Wales' economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements. Influence of internal rows and ideological divergencies within the National Rally, Freedom Party of Austria and Dutch Party for Freedom on the parties' performance has been demonstrated.

The article presents the results of research of the formation of historical memory, conflicts of memories, the correlation of individual and collective memory in human consciousness, which today is one of the most relevant in the Ukrainian humanities, given the annexation of Crimea, Russian aggression against Ukraine and ongoing conditions the struggle for the establishment and assertion of the independence of our state. The phenomenon of historical memory is one of those that a wide range of humanities are trying to study: philosophy, history, sociology, culturology, psychology, etc. The semantic content of the concepts "conflict (or war) of memories", "individual historical memory", "collective historical memory", the relationship between the concepts of "memory" and "history" is considered. It is emphasized that memory is an important condition that determines the activity of a person and a certain social group. The reasons for the development of memory conflicts may be in the intensification of ambiguous interpretations of the past, opposing interpretations of the past, official policy in the cultural sphere, regional features of the interpretation of past events, which leads to changes in toponymy, symbolism, etc.
In addition, today in Ukrainian society there are several vectors of conflicts of memory: from the memory of the USSR ("beautiful Soviet country" or "terrible totalitarian state") to one of the sharpest conflicts of memory, concerning the actual heroic discourse that unfolded with the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war, raising a painful question: who to consider a hero?
It is emphasized that today memories of the past, of collective historical traumas, and their processing are sometimes used to confront peoples and cause conflicts of memories. The past orients society to the system coordinates of "friend and foe", forms views on national interests and determines preferences. The task of the individual in these conditions - to maintain critical thinking and try to learn as deeply as possible the actual, archival material. It is argued that memory conflicts are a reflection of both individual and collective consciousness and need to be further understood in multidisciplinary scientific discourse.

The revolutionary transition of power to democratic forces after the "dignity revolution" in 2014 in Ukraine did not indicate the absence of contradictions within the new ruling class, because patriotic and devotion to democratic transformation are not the only condition for the consolidation of the ruling class. The democratic theory of the elite, which corresponds to the essence of the designated form of government, recognizes the existence of a select minority (elite) in each of the social spheres, which owns intellectual and voluntary law, not leadership. The relations between the elites are not stable, but on the contrary may become exacerbated in the fractured periods of history In the countries of "young democracy", the relationship between the political and military elite is controversial lace of relations, because the military elite represents a closed "group of interests" in politics, so it can move from supporting the ruling class to a strong opponent of relations. Even the neutral position of the military elite includes a variant of interference in political processes of power scale. Revolutionary changes on Ukraine's path to European integration may have been deeply embedded in the formation of a new military elite that has tempered itself in the armed struggle with the Russian-separatist forces, was engaged in joint exercises, and most importantly, in business cooperation with representatives of the military elites of the West, which have a long tradition Serious interaction with the ruling class. Taking into account that social and political processes in Ukraine can be compared with developing countries, the whole set of contradictory relations between the political and military elite in our country should be directed to the general line of constitutional-legal civil-military relations.

The paper deals with the research of the role of labour in the life of contemporary man in terms of the philosophical conception of the "congenial work" of Hrygorij Skovoroda. The reason for turning to Skovoroda's views is the importance of studying the phenomenon of labor, which appears in the XXI century in the sphere of common interests of economics, culturology, philosophy, sociology, psychology. Modern realities – migration processes that move a large number of people from continent to continent, from state to state; new technologies that have been replacing human labor since the industrial revolution, and so on. State social policy is aimed at providing the population with work and supporting those who are temporarily unemployed or completely incapacitated. The challenge for Ukrainian society is the same as for the world community, especially because the events in Ukraine since 2014. Ukrainian society must be ready for innovations in understanding and perceiving the phenomenon of labor in modern conditions. Issues of the balance between work and happiness, the welfare of the individual and the social, and the ways of self-knowledge are being updated. We explore the hard work as the main quality of a socially successful person in the history of Ukrainian culture, negative recovery from laziness and mismanagement. We accent the importance of historical achievements of Ukrainian ethnopedagogy with the transmission of knowledge and experience through imitation, as well as the gender aspect of folk labor education, in particular Ukrainian rituals and traditions of knowledge transfer and education from generation to generation. The modern philosophical view on the correlation of human involvement in work and the formation of a number of human virtues in contrast to laziness and the associated spiritual degradation and poverty is analyzed. Prospects for further research at the junction of economics, sociology, philosophy, psychology, related to the economic set of mind.

The author attempts to analyze the views of Panteleimon Kulish on the history, culture and everyday life of Jews who lived along with Ukrainians in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire, to determine what factors and stereotypes formed the outlook of the great writer and his attitude to the Russian imperial project of resolving the "Jewish question". With the growing of Russian imperial messianism and chauvinism, Ukrainian intellectuals appeared in a difficult situation. The tsar held assimilation policies towards both Jews and Ukrainians. At the same time, Jews additionallly suffered from manifestations of state anti-Semitism. Engagement of Ukrainian Christians in anti-Semitic actions has intensified the position of Russifikators of Ukrainian lands. The Ukrainian elite aimed to stop these manifestations of anti-Semitism by its actions. Obviously, the Ukrainian protest did not condemn anti-Semitism without reservations, because its authors suggested that Jews should partly share responsibility for anti-Semitism. The idea of protesting Ukrainian intellectuals coincided with ideas of Russian liberals who offered to consider Russian Jews as carriers of "civil autonomy and moral independence," and urged them to abandon their national-religious prejudices. While supporting the civil rights of Jews, Kulish at the same time realized that the Ukrainians themselves belonged to the oppressed nations in the Russian Empire, where, in general, social and national rights and freedoms were much less than in the constitutional states of Western Europe. Therefore, he found it impractical to move from there to Russian blindly a practice of artificial support for only Jewish nationality, because in imperial terms this meant only a change in the configuration of national unequal, and not the elimination of it at all. P. Kulish's views on the "Jewish question" of the mid-nineteenth century corresponded to the conceptions of Russian liberal intellectuals regarding the modernization of Russian society. He supports the proclaimed liberal ideas of the need to integrate Jews into imperial life. Jews must be the most interested in destroying of the traditional world of the Jewish town. Giving the Jews of secular education, adopting by them the modern values could lead to the elimination of intolerance and manifestations of anti-Semitism in the society. The Jews himself, according to P. Kulish had to go towards society and change their social mood.

It is devoted to the problem of analyzing memes as a tool of information warfare. The article analyzes the history and origin of the study of memes as a phenomenon of information interaction and social technology. Memes can be interpreted as: image, idea, symbol, action, any cultural information copied by one person from another; the collective unconscious at the moment of acquiring verbal and visual form; specially created information message, which is distributed in the information space and is intended to form the necessary picture of the human world and make appropriate decisions. The meme influences the perception of reality and drives action. Different types, types of memes and their characteristics are considered. There is a diversity of spread of this phenomenon: global Internet memes, understandable to a wide range of people, and local memes that require specific awareness (gaming, hacking, scientific, professional). Emphasis is placed on the use of memes in contemporary armed conflicts. The information war, combined with the peculiarities of the modern information society, led to the use of new technologies to influence the mass consciousness, in particular, memetic weapons. The article analyzes memetic weapons as a technology of using memes for the distribution of beneficial information in the information space of the object of information confrontation. Particular attention was paid to the analysis of the perceptions of memes by ATO participants and volunteers. The urgency of the problem is determined by the need to analyze the impact of ideas reflected in Internet memes on the mass consciousness during the Russo-Ukrainian war. Within the framework of the Polish-Ukrainian project "Crisis Intervention – Support for NGOs in Ukraine Working with ATO Soldiers and Their Families", 20 flexible interviews were conducted. The focus of the study may be to analyze the perception and functioning of political Internet memes on social media. Empirical studies of the influence of Internet memes on the structural components of the psyche of Internet users are also promising. The war in eastern Ukraine reaffirmed the paradigm shift of modern warfare, demonstrated the thoroughness of a thorough study of the phenomenon and the need to develop entirely new approaches to the realization of political and military goals.