We apply the laws of 5D to the study of the organisms of history, human civilizations and mankind at large: 2 themes essential to social (and all) sciences is their capacity to forecast the future of mankind and the machine, the 2 species that interact in the economic ecosystem (ab. Eco(nomic)system); or else we wouldn't talk of a science and the definition of its field of study, which are NOT the individuals and its genes, or else we would accept racism as the basis of social sciences but its cultures and memes; and in the field of economics, its re=productive units, company-mothers. This happens in all organism of the Universe, where according to its scalar, metric, SxTƒ=∆±¡, smaller parts in space run faster time cycles, which code with its higher frequency of information the larger whole that protects them, allowing the symbiotic creation of social organisms in all scales of science. So particles carry the forces that code atoms, genes code cells that gather in physiological networks, the organisms of biology; and memes code cultures, (whose largest unit are the 7 global civilinations of history, defined in its collective subconscious mind by a life & love religion) and its re=productive, economic, political=nervous and immunological=defensive networks, which form the organisms of social sciences. In the graph, we compare both scales of human biologic and social organisms and its 3 physiological networks: All systems of nature, information codes the larger networks of the whole a scale above, which in turn protect and distribute efficiently energy and information through those 3 networks to its parts. Nervous, legal systems provide all the cells of the organism with just, 'nervous-legal' orders to regulate its synchronous motions blood; economic systems provide them with oxygen=money and blood nutrients, to re=produce the healthy, welfare goods they need to survive and defensive, immunological systems protect them from germs and lethal goods that might kill them. It is then NOT rocket science to obey ...
A. W. Carus champions Rudolf Carnap's ideal of explication as a model for liberal political deliberation. Constructing a linguistic framework for discussing social problems, he argues, promotes the resolution of our disputes. To flesh out and assess this proposal, I examine debate about the social institutions of marriage and adoption. Against Carus, I argue that not all citizens would accept the pragmatic principles underlying Carnap's ideal. Nevertheless, explication may facilitate inquiry in the social sciences and be used to create models that help us to understand past disputes. This latter application reveals explication's potential for refining the social histories that inform contemporary political discourse.
This book is a historical study of the Tajiks in Central Asia from the ancient times to the post-Soviet period. For millennia, these descendants of the original Aryan settlers were part of many different empires set up by Greek, Arab, Turkic and Russian invaders, as well as their own, most notably during the Middle Ages. The emergence of the modern state of Tajikistan began after 1917 under Soviet rule, and culminated in the promulgation of independence from the moribund USSR in 1991. In the subsequent civil war that raged between 1992 and 1997, Tajikistan came close to becoming a failed state. The legacy of that internal conflict remains critical to understanding politics in Tajikistan a generation later. Exploring the patterns of ethnic identity and the exigencies of state formation, the book argues that despite a strong sense of belonging underpinned by shared history, mythology and cultural traits, the Tajiks have not succeeded in forming a consolidated nation. The politics of the Russian colonial administration, the national-territorial delimitation under Stalin, and the Soviet strategy of socio-economic modernisation contributed to the preservation and reification of sub-ethnic cleavages and regional identities. The book demonstrates the impact of region-based elite clans on Tajikistan's political trajectory in the twilight years of the Soviet era, and identifies objective and subjective factors that led to the civil war. It concludes with a survey of the process of national reconciliation after 1997, and the formal and informal political actors, including Islamist groups, who compete for influence in Tajik society. "Tajikistan: A Political and Social History is the best source of information on this important country in the English language. Drs Nourzhanov and Bleuer present a comprehensive yet detailed account of the past and prospects of this emerging nation, and have filled one of the major gaps in Central Asian scholarship. This book must be read by those who wish to grasp the vagaries of Central Asia's evolving political and cultural landscapes." Reuel Hanks, Professor of Geography, Oklahoma State University, and Editor of the Journal of Central Asian Studies. "If Tajikistan is known outside its region, it is often for the civil war that gravely damaged it. This volume authoritatively provides the longer perspective to the unsettling events of the 1990s and skilfully explains them in terms of history, social structure, and sub-state identities. In addition to highlighting a wealth of local factors, it is insightful on the ways in which antagonists can be transformed into broader ethnic and regional blocs. Kirill Nourzhanov and Christian Bleuer are erudite guides to an understudied part of Central Asia, while astutely instructing us about larger patterns of state-society relations and their impact on the logic of conflict." James Piscatori, Professor of International Relations, Durham University
This book is a historical study of the Tajiks in Central Asia from the ancient times to the post-Soviet period. For millennia, these descendants of the original Aryan settlers were part of many different empires set up by Greek, Arab, Turkic and Russian invaders, as well as their own, most notably during the Middle Ages. The emergence of the modern state of Tajikistan began after 1917 under Soviet rule, and culminated in the promulgation of independence from the moribund USSR in 1991. In the subsequent civil war that raged between 1992 and 1997, Tajikistan came close to becoming a failed state. The legacy of that internal conflict remains critical to understanding politics in Tajikistan a generation later. Exploring the patterns of ethnic identity and the exigencies of state formation, the book argues that despite a strong sense of belonging underpinned by shared history, mythology and cultural traits, the Tajiks have not succeeded in forming a consolidated nation. The politics of the Russian colonial administration, the national-territorial delimitation under Stalin, and the Soviet strategy of socio-economic modernisation contributed to the preservation and reification of sub-ethnic cleavages and regional identities. The book demonstrates the impact of region-based elite clans on Tajikistan's political trajectory in the twilight years of the Soviet era, and identifies objective and subjective factors that led to the civil war. It concludes with a survey of the process of national reconciliation after 1997, and the formal and informal political actors, including Islamist groups, who compete for influence in Tajik society.
The democracy practice could grow when the nation's generation had history awareness and be a good citizen. So the democratic education should be developed, one of the ways was through history learning in schools. Social history teaching materials, especially regarding women and ethnic was full of democratic values, there were freedom and egalitarian. Various experiences and problems of democracy could not be separated from society life since ancient era. By understanding the social dynamics through history learning, the young generation was expected to be wise in determining the democracy continuity for nation's future.
After World War II, the animal protection movement enjoyed the revival that we discuss in this chapter. Contemporary scholarship suggests that social movements are more or less continuous, shifting from periods of peak activity to those of relative decline. The renaissance of animal protection during the past half century involved several distinct phases of evolution. Such divisions are discretionary, but they can clarify important trends. This analysis relies on a three-stage chronology in considering the progress of postwar animal protection, one that emphasizes revival, mobilization and transformation, and consolidation of gains.
Michael McKeon's The Secret History of Domesticity is an important contribution to cultural and literary history, exploring how concepts of public and private evolved. His quest to uncover the 'division of knowledge' takes the reader on a journey through the low and high culture of literary genre, the history of print, art, architecture, entertainment, politics and social theory. This essay compares McKeon's reading of public and private in light of the recent 'spatial turn' in social and gender history. The 'spatial turn' offers a close lens into the lived experience of past peoples in the same way that McKeon claims to recover the tacit knowledge embedded in the consciousness of past societies. The difference between the approaches is less about their conclusions, but their sources and methodology. Taken together they offer something that each alone cannot, a broad portrayal of a society from above and below, from the past and the present. In which case, there can be great value in placing cultural readings of the past, like Secret History, alongside social methodologies to draw together the experiences of people at all levels of society. In this article, I therefore argue for the inclusion of these contrasting and complimentary approaches to concepts of public and private within the framework of debate for Secret History.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Personally identifiable information has been redacted from this item. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
"Additional reading" at end of each chapter. ; "Published July, 1916. Reprinted . September, 1917." ; I. 1500-1815.--II. 1815-1915. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This dissertation demonstrates the ability to use the technological developments observable in objects to reveal long-term shifts in society, and to uncover in-depth information about communities of practice. Through an examination of the significant evidence for woodworking practices in both modern and ancient Egypt, universal aspects of the experience of wood technology are discovered, and compared to those that are context specific. The use of ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology permit this detailed analysis. The religious significance of timber in ancient Egypt, ancient Egyptian woodworking tools, and the position of the woodworker in Egyptian society, are then discussed, to provide the social and practical background necessary to assess the following data: a thorough technical analysis of coffin construction through time. The material evidence is examined in light of its historical context, demonstrating how the use and access to different timbers shifts in light of political and social developments, while the woodworkers must also constantly adapt construction techniques to changes that are largely out of their control. Coffins are shown to be particularly sensitive to these large-scale shifts, as visible elements of social competition and display. At times, the changes in material access and construction are shown to be responsible for major changes to religious beliefs and practices as well. In total, it is clear that technological developments can illustrate fluctuations in the Egyptian economy, religion, and society in a manner that artistic and textual evidence cannot.
Studying on the politics of Islamic education in Indonesia cannot be separated from historical aspects. This study discusses why and how the history of Islamic education cannot be separated from the birth, growth and development of Islamic education in a country. In the Indonesian context, the political history of Islamic education cannot be separated from the dynamics of Islamic education and power from time to time, starting from the pre-independence period to the present. This article uses qualitative research methods that emphasize the study of documents or texts. That is, the study of the text in this study focuses more on the analysis or interpretation of written material based on the context. The results of this study indicate that the relationship between history and politics of Islamic education in Indonesia is very close and strong relationship. Azyumardi Azra sees the historical aspect as very dominant in constructing the political reality of Islamic education in Indonesia from time to time. In this context, Michel Foucault gives attention to the genealogical aspects in history which focus on the origin and form of the history of knowledge which in certain contexts cannot be separated from power.
The relationship between Australian political and social history has received little historiographical attention. Political history has been lauded or, more often, dismissed as traditional historical practice, while from the 1960s social history took its
