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In this article, I build a theory of European Union (EU) expansion using Social Identity Theory. The theory proposes that the development of a national identity in relation to Europe is the most significant contributing factor to a policy to support-oppose expanding the EU to include applicant countries. According to the theory, strength of identity-whether more national or European-is the key variable in explaining the policy toward applicant countries. As a preliminary exploration of the theory, I look at why some decision-makers within EU countries support Turkey's accession while others do not. The identities among top decision-makers within Britain, Germany, and France are used to examine the policy preferences regarding Turkey's bid for membership into the EU during these three recent progressions: the recognition of Turkey as a candidate country in 1999, the development of a timeline for full membership in 2002, and the beginning of accession negotiations in 2005. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract This study investigated processes by which adolescents form positive evaluations of their peer groups. One‐hundred and fifteen male and female adolescents aged 14–15 years made a series of comparisons between their own peer group (the ingroup) and a group of which they were not a member (the outgroup). In line with the predictions of social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner, 1979), participants behaved consistently in ways which favoured the ingroup: compared to the outgroup, the ingroup was associated to a greater extent with positive characteristics (e.g. being fun, nice, and honest) and to a lesser extent with negative characteristics (e.g. being ignorant, unfriendly, and boring). Their responses were also related to levels of identification with the ingroup: at higher levels of identification participants reported more favourable evaluations of their groups. These findings extend earlier research and show how the benefits derived from group membership in adolescence are in part realised through intergroup processes.

Given the strained political situation in Iraq & general unrest in the world, in two studies we asked adolescents not directly involved in the Iraqi crisis about their identification with their particular nation, with Europeans, & as citizens of the world. We explored their fears & predicted changes in the face of a possible war in Iraq. Additionally, we asked the students about their political attitudes & related them to their reported changes & expectations & degrees of identification. Study 2 also investigated whether students from 3 different countries holding differing official opinions on the Iraqi crisis (Germany, Switzerland, Spain) differed in their national identification & in their attitudes, fears, & expectations. Results show only moderate levels of student identification with their nations. The exception is Spain, in Study 2, where the Spanish students highly identify with being Spanish. The reported fears & changes in face of war are manifold & range from fears of insecurity & terrorist attacks, rising political & religious tension, to worries concerning rising petrol prices. Most of the students did not support a military intervention in Iraq. Differences between the students in the three countries & their relation to social identification are discussed. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Contents -- Contributors -- Chapter 1. Introduction / Geraldine Downey, Celina M. Chatman, Bonita London, William E. Cross Jr., Diane Hughes, Elizabeth Moje, Niobe Way, and Jacquelynne S. Eccles -- Part I. Identity as a Source of Stress: Challenges from Membership in Stigmatized Social Groups -- Chapter 2. Stereotypes Negatively Influence the Meaning Students Give to Academic Settings \ Jason S. Lawrence, Jennifer Crocker, and Carol S. Dweck

A first-of-its-kind book that seriously and profoundly examines what it means philosophically to be Latino and where Latinos fit in American society. Offers a fresh perspective and clearer understanding of Latin American thought and culture, rejecting answers based on stereotypes and fear Takes an interdisciplinary approach to the philosophical, social, and political elements of Hispanic/Latino identity, touching upon anthropology, history, cultural studies and sociology, as well as philosophy Written by Jorge J. E. Gracia, one of the most influential thinkers of Hispanic/Latino descent.

IN THIS STUDY A PARTISAN SOCIAL IDENTITY SCALE WAS USED TO REINTERPRET PERCEPTUAL FEATURES OF PARTISANSHIP THROUGH THE LENS OF SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY. THE SOCIAL IDENTITY OF POLITICAL INDEPENDENTS WAS ALSO EXAMINED IN AN EFFORT TO EXPLAIN THE ANOMALOUS BEHAVIOR AND IDENTITY OF PARTISAN LEANERS. SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY PROVIDED A VIABLE ALTERNATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING THE COMMON POLARITY OF PERCEPTIONS REGARDING THE TWO MAJOR U.S. POLITICAL PARTIES. IN ADDITION, AN INDEPENDENT SOCIAL IDENTIFICATION MAY, IN PART, EXPLAIN THE IDENTITY OF PARTISAN LEANERS.

Multiplicity of selves / Seymour Rosenberg -- The case for unity in the (post)modern self : a modest proposal / Dan P. McAdams -- The personal self in social context : barriers to authenticity / Susan Harter -- Me's and we's : forms and functions of social indentities / Peggy A. Thoits and Lauren K. Virshup -- The historical formation of selves / Kurt Danziger -- Selves as cultured : as told by an anthropologist who lacks a soul / Dorothy Holland -- The self and society : changes, problems, and opportunities / Roy F. Baumeister -- Conclusion : fundamental issues in the study of self and indentity : contrasts, contexts, and conflicts / Lee Jussim and Richard D. Ashmore

What does it mean to identify with a social group? Are individuals' group attachments tied to material or nonmaterial payoffs? What is the existing evidence for social identification due to nonmaterial payoffs? When do identities matter and for what sorts of behaviors? We highlight findings from several literatures in political science, ranging from voting and redistribution to violence and conflict, focusing on nonmaterial, identity-based motivations for behavior in these domains. Doing so allows us to draw out commonalities across research areas that are often held in isolation from one another and that frequently employ overlapping terminology. We summarize important findings and identify open questions; these questions include what the role played by elites is in shaping mass mobilization around identities and what the relationship is between social identities and social norms.

AbstractDissatisfied with their relative standing in the world, China and Russia are challenging the US-dominated liberal order. Could US accommodation of their status concerns reduce conflict? The psychological rationale for status accommodation is rooted in the insights of social identity theory (SIT), which argues that persistent status denial leads lower-status groups to "lash out." Steven Ward (2017) objects that political scientists have misinterpreted SIT. In his view, impermeable group boundaries only affect individuals and do not lead to intergroup conflict. Ward's narrow critique overlooks the larger meaning and significance of SIT, which is about how frustration and anger over status barriers and unfair treatment motivate lower-status groups to challenge the status quo. Social competition is positional and zero-sum. Given the insights of SIT, Ward's recommendation that the United States demonstrate to China and Russia the futility of status competition is likely to provoke a backlash and increase the risk of military conflict. Instead, SIT implies a continuing process of status accommodation and efforts to maintain the legitimacy and stability of US leadership.

Political cleavages based on class, religion, and region.

Much research in political science suggests that social identity can be an important factor in motivating behavior. If voters care about social identity, when will politicians find it in their interests to make group-based appeals? Do social identity concerns affect the policy platforms offered by candidates? In a model of political speech and electoral competition, in which voters care about both social identities and policy, we demonstrate that social identity concerns can lead to platform divergence even when the policy dimension is uncorrelated with identity. For example, policy-motivated politicians can employ identity rhetoric to obtain 'slack' in the policy dimension. Further, the need for candidates to resort to group-based appeals depends on such factors as the relative sizes of social groups; the policy preferences of group members; whether candidates care about policy and if so, their preferred policies; and the extent of individual identification with groups. The analysis demonstrates that social identity can have a striking impact on the strategic conduct of campaigns. References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2006.]