Difference and social identity
In: International Perspectives on Equality, Diversity and Inclusion; Practical and Theoretical Implications of Successfully Doing Difference in Organizations, S. 3-24
21828 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: International Perspectives on Equality, Diversity and Inclusion; Practical and Theoretical Implications of Successfully Doing Difference in Organizations, S. 3-24
In: International Perspectives on Equality, Diversity and Inclusion; Practical and Theoretical Implications of Successfully Doing Difference in Organizations, S. 3-24
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Social Identity in Decisions to Protest" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Work, Consumption and Culture: Affluence and Social Change in the Twenty-First Century, S. 89-120
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Political Partisanship as a Social Identity" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Intention and Identity, S. 100-121
This paper analyzes the implications of social identity and self-categorization in the context of optimal redistributive income taxation. A two-type model is supplemented by an assumption that individuals select themselves into social categories, in which norms are formed and education effort choices partly depend on these norms. Optimal tax policy is analyzed under two different assumptions about the social objective function: a welfarist objective based on consumer preferences and a paternalist objective that does not reflect the consumer preference for social identity. We show how the welfarist government implements a tax policy to internalize the externalities arising from social norms, while the paternalist government uses tax policy to make individuals behave as if their preferences for social identity were absent.
BASE
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Social Identity Theory: Status and Identity in International Relations" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Routledge Handbook of Japanese Culture and Society
In: Talking about Politics, S. 53-81
Zwischen dem 5. und 1. Jhdt. v. Chr. betrachteten politische Theoretiker in China und Europa Musik als nützlichen Maßstab für den politischen Charakter und Zustand von Gesellschaften und ihren Machthabern. Auch wenn ihre Ansichten keiner wissenschaftlichen Basis entsprangen, können schriftliche Überlieferungen und archäologische Quellen heute herangezogen werden, um Musik und damit zusammenhängende kulturelle Äußerungen im Umfeld der Macht und ihren unmittelbaren Einflussbereichen zu verorten. Sie können so über Identität, Selbstverständnis, Ansehen und Status informieren: vom Haushalt über den Staat, bei Eroberungen und Machtausübung, im Fall von Widerständen und Rebellionen sowie in der Rechtsprechung, Diplomatie und Schlichtung. Allem Anschein nach können diese Quellen in der Tat etwas Neues über Machtbeziehungen, Ideologie und politischen Wandel in der antiken Welt vermitteln. Sie dienen zudem als indirekter Indikator für politische agency in schriftlosem Umfeld.
BASE
This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: http://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137291172. Reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. ; Political behaviour always involves social groups, whether these take the form of concrete networks and gatherings of individuals such as pressure groups, demonstrations, governments, cadres or committees, or whether they are constituted as large-scale institutions or imagined communities (Anderson, 1991) such as polities, states, political parties, interest groups, publics, constituencies or electorates. In so far as social groups are central to politics, it follows that the psychology of groups should be relevant to our understanding of political psychology. Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization Theory represent major theoretical attempts to clarify the social psychological processes associated with group membership and action, and should therefore be in a good position to provide a significant contribution to that understanding.
BASE
In: Intelligent Systems for Security Informatics, S. 107-124
In: International Perspectives on Equality, Diversity and Inclusion; Practical and Theoretical Implications of Successfully Doing Difference in Organizations, S. 25-44
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been one of the most debated political cases. However, usually the focus is on the physical, political and economic views of the conflict. This research focuses on the psychosocial analysis of the Palestinian social identity in Jerusalem. It explores the reasons behind the Islamization of social identity among Palestinian Jerusalemites. It does so through the eyes of Palestinian females who live in East Jerusalem. The study seeks to understand how the Palestinian participants from East Jerusalem define their social identity. The definition was categorized into three groups: Islamic, Arabic and Palestinian. In addition to that, the study investigated the perceived threats posed on the participant's social identity. These threats are categorized into: threats from the Israeli occupation, the Palestinian society itself, and the corruption of the Palestinian authority. Moreover, this research compares the role of religion in the lives of Palestinian Jerusalemites now and twenty years ago. Therefore, it shows how and when the Islamization of social identity started. The results of this research are based on primary and secondary resources. I have conducted 25 individual interviews and a process of participant observation. The argument of this paper is that the Islamization of social identity in Jerusalem is a process with two main reasons behind it. First, the fall of Palestinian nationalism after the Oslo Accords and the Palestinian civil war. This led into identity crisis and created an identity vacuity which needed to be filled. Second the direct threat posed on the Palestinian Islamic identity during the Second Intifada and until now. This made the Islamic identity the salient one. The Islamic identity needed to be defended, therefore, it was prioritized and used to demonstrate the urgency of staying in Jerusalem. ; M-DS
BASE