Suchergebnisse

Lee Chun Wing John. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-181). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgements --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.13 ; Theories in Social Movements --- p.13 ; High-risk Activism --- p.20 ; Collective Identity and Personal/Individual Identity --- p.22 ; Frame Analysis and Identity --- p.29 ; Sources of Data --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Who are They? --- p.36 ; The Emergence of the Hong Kong Identity --- p.37 ; Phase One --- p.42 ; Phase Two --- p.46 ; Phase Three --- p.51 ; Phase Four --- p.57 ; Phase Five --- p.62 ; Phase Six --- p.66 ; Summary --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Who are We? --- p.71 ; What is Collective Identity? --- p.72 ; A Common Objective --- p.75 ; Negotiation --- p.80 ; Consciousness: Rule of Law? --- p.84 ; Consciousness: Rights --- p.86 ; Affection Developed through Interaction --- p.92 ; Lack of Unity --- p.98 ; ´بSaiWan´ة --- p.100 ; Summary --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Who am I? (I) --- p.107 ; Social Identity Theory and Social Movements --- p.108 ; Relative Deprivation --- p.114 ; Illegitimate Inequality --- p.120 ; Views on Outgroups --- p.120 ; Movement Not the Best Option --- p.123 ; Fighting for Individual Status Improvement? --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Who am I? (II) --- p.131 ; Identity Theory --- p.132 ; A 'Child' Identity --- p.136 ; Psychological Centrality --- p.139 ; Commitments --- p.142 ; Changes after Participation --- p.145 ; Summary --- p.147 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Conclusion --- p.150 ; Why They Participated? --- p.150 ; Why Some of Them are so Committed? Why Some of them Want to Quit? --- p.153 ; Politics and the Right of Abode Movement --- p.156 ; Implications --- p.159 ; Identity Politics? --- p.163 ; Appendix --- p.167 ; Bibliography --- p.169

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...

by Wu Wai Man. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Operationalization of the Theoretical Framework --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- General Configurations of the Collective Action Events Concerning Issues of Public Housing Estates --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Hong Kong Government's Propensity of Repression --- p.49 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Formal and Informal Access for Participants of the Public Housing Movement --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Policy and Strategic Orientation of the Grass-Root Oriented Political Parties --- p.99 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Changes in the Political Alignment: the Protrusions of Pro-China Resident Organizations --- p.125 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.133 ; Appendix Background Information of the Interviewees --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

Les protestes socials esdevingudes en nombrosos països durant els últims tres anys –des de Tunísia i l'anomenada "Primavera àrab" fins a les recents mobilitzacions a Turquia o Brasil– han fet aflorar un debat sobre la possible dimensió global i transestatal de totes elles. El present article pretén realitzar una aproximació descriptiva i analítica a aquest intens cicle de protestes, reflexionant sobre les diferències i similituds existents entre elles, el paper que Internet i les xarxes socials han tingut en el curs de les diferents mobilitzacions o, entre altres aspectes, el repertori d'accions que han emprat. Més enllà d'aquests trets compartits o no, l'article mira d'emfasitzar la importància d'entendre aquest cicle de mobilitzacions com un procés de repolitització social que combina les contradiccions i conflictes locals de cada context en particular amb l'aparent existència d'una demanda global per major democratització política, regeneració institucional, justícia social i reapropiació d'allò comú. ; The social protests that have take place in many countries over the past three years - from Tunisia and the so-called Arab Spring to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil - have given rise to a debate about the possible global and transnational dimension they may have. This paper sets out to develop a descriptive and analytical approach to this intense cycle of protests, reflecting on the differences and similarities between all of them, the role that the Internet and social networks have had in the course of the different demonstrations and, among other things, the repertoire of actions that have been used. Beyond these shared traits, the paper seeks to emphasize the importance of understanding this cycle of mobilization as a social re-politicization process that combines local contradictions and conflicts of each particular context with the apparent existence of a global demand for greater political democratization, institutional regeneration, social justice and reappropriation of the common. ; Las protestas sociales acaecidas en numerosos países durante los últimos tres años –desde Túnez y la llamada "Primavera árabe" hasta las recientes movilizaciones en Turquía o Brasil– han hecho aflorar un debate sobre la posible dimensión global y transestatal de todas ellas. El presente artículo pretende realizar una aproximación descriptiva y analítica a este intenso ciclo de protestas, reflexionando sobre las diferencias y similitudes existentes entre todas ellas, el papel que Internet y las redes sociales han tenido en el curso de las diferentes movilizaciones o, entre otros aspectos, el repertorio de acciones que han utilizado. Más allá de estos rasgos compartidos o no, el artículo trata de enfatizar la importancia de entender este ciclo de movilizaciones como un proceso de repolitización social que combina las contradicciones y conflictos locales de cada contexto en particular con la aparente existencia de una demanda global por mayor democratización política, regeneración institucional, justicia social y reapropiación de lo común.

本研究針對三個重要層面(論述、鬥爭和情感的過程)進行探索,討論社會運動中反對勢力框架的建構和發展。本文將先探討社會運動如何在論述層面上建構框架,令運動框架取得認受性並挑戰主流霸權論述;是次研究亦會討論互聯網時代如何影響框架爭奪戰的進行;最後,本文將分析框架美學化的現象如何影響社會運動的動員。本研究以香港的菜園村抗爭運動作為案例,並採用文本分析、訪問及參與式觀察等研究方法。 ; 本文旨在擴充框架分析的討論層面:除探討其認知層面外,本文更試圖討論框架建構中被忽略的面向:情感性層面。此外,本文亦會分析框架爭奪戰的場境如何在互聯網時代被擴大。 ; 在認知層面上,本文發現在論述性的框架建構過程中,若框架的理念能充分回應社會、政治及文化上的斷裂,框架動員力便會提高。此外,在運動過程中,策略性的框架轉化亦有助號召不同界別的群體參與。 ; 在鬥爭層面上,本文指出在互聯網時代,社會運動與政府、主流傳媒進行框架爭奪戰的場境已被伸延及擴大。而互聯網所造就的分散式競爭能量及沉積性網絡結構則對運動於框架爭奪戰過程中有利。 ; 最後,在情感層面上,本文認為近年社會運動中採用的美學化運動手段,有助運動在情感和道德價值上動員群聚,因美學化的框架不單有助社會運動鞏固其內部聯繫,對民眾整體都有吸引力。 ; This study investigates the construction and development of opposition frames in a social movement by exploring three important dimensions: the discursive, contested, and affective processes. This study first elucidates how counter-frames can be discursively constructed to gain legitimacy in challenging the dominant hegemonic belief. Second, the study reviews how the framing processes have been influenced by the Internet in the digital era. Finally, it investigates how the aestheticization of frames relates to the affective mobilization of a movement. These questions were addressed through the case of the Tsoi Yuen resistance movement, a two-year struggle in Hong Kong. To this end, textual analysis, interviews, and participant observations are employed. ; This study seeks to elaborate upon the framing perspective by discussing not only the cognitive meaning alignment processes, but also expanding the theoretical discussion in the affective dimension of framing, which is an under-explored area. In addition, it contributes to the investigation of the expanded frame contestations in the Internet era. ; On the cognitive level, this thesis argues that the discursive framing strategies have worked best when meanings are activated by exploiting the social, political, and cultural cleavages in post-colonial Hong Kong. In addition, the transformation of framing strategies can facilitate mobilizations across a variety of groups of targets when different cleavages are echoed. ; For the ...

Aquest article aborda l'experiència del moviment social #YoSoy132, a partir de l'exploració del seu sorgiment en el context polític, social i mediàtic mexicà i de l'anàlisi de les seves característiques, demandes i paral·lelismes amb els nous moviments socials globals. A més, l'article problematitza el paper dels nous mitjans digitals –en particular de les xarxes socials– dins del moviment, trencant amb cinc narratives dominants en la literatura. Finalment, es realitza un balanç de l'abast i les limitacions de #YoSoy132. ; This paper looks at the experience of the social movement #YoSoy132, exploring its emergence in the political, social and media context of Mexico today, and analyzing its characteristics, demands, and similarities with the new global social movements. In addition, the paper problematizes the role of the digital media – and in particular of the social media — within the movement, breaking with five narratives that have dominated the literature. In the conclusion, the paper offers an assessment of the achievements and the limitations of #YoSoy132. ; Este artículo aborda la experiencia del movimiento social #YoSoy132, a partir de la exploración de su surgimiento en el contexto político, social y mediático mexicano y del análisis de sus características, demandas y paralelismos con los nuevos movimientos sociales globales. Además, el artículo problematiza el papel de los medios digitales –en particular de las redes sociales– dentro del movimiento, rompiendo con cinco narrativas dominantes en la literatura. Finalmente, se realiza un balance de los alcances y de las limitaciones de #YoSoy132.

自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...

Chan, Siu-han. ; Thesis submitted in: July 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-193). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.i ; 論文摘要 --- p.ii ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iii ; CONTENTS --- p.v ; INTRODUCTION ; Chapter 1.1 --- Empirical Puzzles and Theoretical Concern --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Cultural Scene in Hong Kong --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Defining the New Wave Cinema --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- The Objectives of the Thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- In Quest of Theoretical Perspective and Analytical Framework ; Chapter 2.1 --- Existing Studies of the New Wave Cinema --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Study of Popular Culture in Hong Kong --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Culture Industry: The Approach of the Frankfurt School --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Elective Affinity of Culture Industry with Hong Kong Society --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Anxiety of Political Subjectivity ; Chapter 3.1 --- Prelude --- p.45 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Perturbed Hong Kong People --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Hong Kong Diaspora --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4 --- The Negative Projection on the Colonizers --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.5 --- The Ambivalence Towards the Motherland´ؤChina --- p.66 ; Chapter 3.6 --- Discourse on Political Modernization: The Anxiety of Political Subjectivity --- p.86 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Contradiction of Societal Modernization ; Chapter 4.1 --- Prelude --- p.89 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Looking back at the Pre-modernized Social Order --- p.91 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Rethinking the Entanglement of the Old and the New --- p.102 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Representing the Modernized New Social Order --- p.110 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Discourse on Societal Modernization: The Contradiction of Societal Modernization --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Fragility of Hong Kong Cultural Identity ; Chapter 5.1 --- Prelude --- p.126 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Historical Memories as Cultural Receptacles --- p.128 ...

Li, Hang. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 267-282). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

La tendència més estesa dins del treball social a Suècia durant els últims trenta anys és l'especialització de funcions, lluny de la noció d'unitat professional i genèrica. Aquesta evolució ha anat guanyant terreny sense l'acció de cap grup de pressió o de defensors específics. La reorganització cap a l'especialització pot ser entesa com una adaptació a pressions normatives externes i com a forma de fomentar la productivitat en temps de retallades pressupostàries. Unes altres tendències, parcialment interrelacionades, han estat el desenvolupament de la pràctica basada en l'evidència, així com un primer intent per implementar el corrent de la Nova Gestió Pública. ; The most far-reaching and exhaustive trend in Swedish social work over the last thirty years is functional specialisation, representing a route away from the notion of professional unity and genericism. This is a development that has gained ground incrementally without any active lobbying or distinct proponents. Reorganising towards specialisation may also be understood as an adaptation to external normative pressures and as a way of fostering productivity in times of tightened budgets. Other, and partly intertwined, trends have been the movement towards evidence-based practice and steps in order to implement elements of New Public Management. ; La tendencia más extendida dentro del trabajo social en Suecia durante los últimos treinta años es la especialización de funciones, lejos de la noción de unidad profesional y genérica. Esta evolución ha ido ganando terreno sin la acción de ningún grupo de presión o de defensores específicos. La reorganización hacia la especialización puede ser entendida como una adaptación a presiones normativas externas y como forma de fomentar la productividad en tiempos de recortes presupuestarios.Otras tendencias parcialmente interrelacionadas han sido el desarrollo de la práctica basada en la evidencia, así como un primer intento para implementar la corriente de la Nueva Gestión Pública.