Suchergebnisse

Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.

Članci 34. i 35. Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije zabranjuju količinska ograničenja i mjere s istovrsnim učinkom na uvoz i izvoz između država članica. Države članice nisu u mogućnosti favorizirati ili na bilo koji drugi način staviti u prednost domaće proizvode u odnosu na proizvode drugih država članica. Ipak, ako postoji prijetnja javnom interesu, država članica može opravdano ograničiti slobodno kretanje robe. Svaka takva nacionalna mjera mora biti istovremeno nužna i proporcionalna cilju koji se želi postići. U radu se daje poseban naglasak na predmet Keck koji je podijelio sve propise na dvije skupine: na uvjete prodaje i na propise koji se odnose isključivo na proizvode. Europski sud je smatrao kako nediskriminatorni uvjeti prodaje nemaju razloga potpasti pod opseg članka 34. UFEU-a. Uvjeti prodaje su, kako je u sudskoj praksi nakon Kecka utvrđeno, propisi koji uređuju kada roba može biti prodavana, na kojem mjestu i tko tu robu može prodavati, propisi koji se tiču reklamiranja te kontrole cijena. Ova presuda bila je predmetom mnogih kritika. Sudska praksa koja je uslijedila donekle je iskristalizirala i riješila nejasnoće. Unatoč tome, nisu sva pitanja u potpunosti razjašnjena iako su vidljivi mali koraci k realističnijem pristupu mjerama s istovrsnim učinkom kao količinsko ograničenje. ; Articles 34 and 35 of the TFEU prohibit import and export restrictions between all Member States. Member States are not allowed to favour or in any other way put its domestic products at an advantage against imported products. However, if there is a threat to publich interest, such as (for example) public health or the environment, Member States may restrict the free movement of goods. Any national measure imposed must be shown to be both necessary and proportional. The article gives special emphasis to the Keck case which divided regulations into two parts: selling arrangements and product-bound measures. ECJ held that non-discriminatory national measures restricting or prohibiting selling arrangements were ...

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

Turizam i djelatnosti povezane s turizmom značajan su čimbenik hrvatskog gospodarstva, s jasnim naznakama nastavka takvih trendova i u budućnosti. Istraživanja pokazuju kako se udio turizma u hrvatskom bruto domaćem proizvodu povećao, a sve su više primjetna nastojanja za podizanjem kvalitete turističke ponude i produžavanja turističke sezone. Nositelji takvih inicijativa od kojih se očekuju povećani povrati u dugom roku zasad su uglavnom turistička poduzeća s najvećim financijskim potencijalom. U ovom radu autori istražuju je li kretanje cijene dionica takvih trgovačkih društava povezano s povećanim prihodima u vrijeme sezone, odnosno je li kretanje cijene povezano sa sezonskim oscilacijama ili je povezano s njihovom dugoročnom poslovnom politikom. Istraživanje je pokazalo da sezonske promjene imaju određeni utjecaj, ali nedovoljan da značajnije determiniraju kretanje cijene vrijednosnica na financijskom tržištu promatranih poduzeća. Unatoč značajnom povećanju prihoda, trend je silazan, a naznake njegovog obrata u kratkom i srednjem roku nisu uočene, što može ukazivati na nepovjerenje ulagača u takav oblik razvoja turističkih poduzeća. ; Tourism and tourism-related activities are a significant factor in the Croatian economy, with clear indications of the continuation of such trends in the future. Research shows that the share of tourism in the Croatian gross domestic product has increased, and efforts to raise the quality of the tourist offer and extend the tourist season are becoming more noticeable. Holders of such initiatives, which are expected to increase long-term returns, are currently mostly tourism companies with the highest financial potential. In this paper, the authors investigate whether the movement in the stock price of such companies is associated with increased revenues during the season, that is, whether the price movement is related to seasonal fluctuations or is related to their long-term business policy. The research has shown that seasonal changes have some influence, but not sufficient to ...

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

U ovom radu prikazuje se razvoj političkih stranaka i opis političke atmosfere u Grubišnom Polju između dva svjetska rata. Raspadom Austro-Ugarske i stvaranjem jugoslavenske države 1918. godine neke stare političke stranke nastavile su svoje djelovanje u novim prilikama, ali su nastajale i nove političke stranke. U Grubišnom Polju kao izrazito multietničkom gradiću u kojem su većinu stanovništva činili Hrvati i Srbi te u manjem broju Mađari i Česi, artikuliranje njihovih političkih interesa i opredjeljenja bilo je vrlo slojevito. Kod hrvatskog stanovništva vrlo brzo uzima primat Hrvatska (pučka) seljačka stranka braće Radića, sa svojom seljačkom i republikanskom političkom sastavnicom i ideologijom, koju je zadržala do sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije, dok je srpsko stanovništvo bilo podijeljeno u svom političkom odabiru. U početku je njihovo opredjeljenje bilo na strani Pribićevićeve Demokratske stranke (kasnije Samostalne demokratske stranke) da bi se usložnjavanjem političke situacije u državi (posebno zbog nerješavanja hrvatskog pitanja, ali i nagomilanih socijalnih i društvenih problema) njihove političke preferencije okrenule prema režimskim strankama s unitarističkim programom – Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) te Stojadinovićeva Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ). Svaka od ovih političkih organizacija stvarala je svoje društvene, socijalne i sportske organizacije u kojima je njihova ideologija bila važnija od rada tih organizacija. Dvije nacionalne zajednice – hrvatska i srpska – bile su dobro integrirane u tamošnju društvenu zajednicu i bez većih antagonizama i sukoba se odvijalo politički život. Ipak na marginama političkog života možemo pratiti začetke ekstremnih ideologija poput ustaškog pokreta, ustrojavanje četničkog udruženja i polako uzdizanje komunističkog pokreta i njegove ideologije. Ove do tada marginalne skupine u političkom smislu preuzet će političku pozornicu izbijanjem Drugog svjetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. U istraživanju se koristila izvorna arhivska građa iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru, sekundarna literatura te nacionalni i regionalni tisak. ; This paper presents the development of political parties and describes the political atmosphere in Grubišno Polje between the two world wars. By the downfall of Austro-Hungary and the formation of the new Yugoslav state in 1918, some of the existing political parties continued to operate in the newly established circumstances. However, new political parties were formed too. In Grubišno Polje, a pronouncedly multi-ethnic town, in which the majority were the Croats and the Serbs, and the minority the Hungarians and the Czechs, articulating one's political interests and orientations was extremely complex. Among Croatian population, Croatian People's Peasant Party established by the Radić brothers very soon became the principal party thanks to its peasant-oriented and republican political component and ideology, which it held on until the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Serbian population was however not as united in its political choice. At first, the Serbs were on the side of Pribićević's Democratic Party (later Independent Democratic Party). However, as the political situation in the country grew more complex (in particular due to not solving Croatian issue, but also due to growing material and social problems), their political preferences were directed towards regime parties with unitarianist programme – Yugoslav National Party and Stojadinović's Yugoslav Radical Union. Each of these political organizations formed its social and sports organizations, in which the ideology played an important role, being an immanent part thereof. The two national communities – Croatian and Serbian – were well integrated in the social community, and political life proceeded with no major antagonism or conflicts. Nevertheless, the beginnings of extremist ideologies may be followed on the margins of political life – for instance the Ustasha movement, the establishment of the Chetnik association, as well as gradual rising of the communist movement and its ideology. These groups, until that time marginal, had taken over the political scene when World War Two burst out in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this research, original archival materials from Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and State Archives in Bjelovar, secondary literature, as well as national and regional press were used.

From the class meeting in Bruck in 1578 to Berlin Congress in 1878, i. e. from the very beginning till the end of its fundamental function, Military Border goes through various and very complex processes. Its problems in the 1850-ies are the topic of this paper. In spite of clear demands of political circles in Zagreb concerning the Military Border, the Monarchy in Vienna tries to protect it as a distinctly military institution that will not act against Hungary only but against national integration on the Balkan and Apenine Peninsula too. After the revolution in 1848/49 military and court circles in the Austrian monarchy invest special labours to turn the Military Border into a corpus separatum where military tradition will be further cherished, with corporal strictness, waiting for the development of events on the East, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the presence of Vienna and Budapest, especially after 1849, solving of the Military Border question is affected strongly by the impulse coming just from Zagreb. Trying to gather around itself the separated Croatian territories as soon as possible, Zagreb supported in the Military Border question up to Austro-Hungarian agreement in 1867 the opinion about the need of administrative integration of military and civil territories of Croatia. But, because the administrative integration does not put in the first plan demilitarization of Military Border, there appear due to such political conception in Zagreb some fundamental prerequisites for the collaboration between military and royal circles in Vienna and Croatian politicians. However, this collaboration left no deeper traces in the Croatian politics. The last ''Basic Law of Military Border", accepted in 1850, rejects all the projects of political representation of Croatia about the future of Military Border. The project has been saved as Jelačić's "Military Border Foundation" from 1849. In spite of expectations of Croatian politicians the last "Military Border Foundation" from 1850 tries to contribute to stabilization of Military Border mechanism and to its preserving. This new Military Border's constitution, contrary to demands of Croatian representatives formulated in the "Military Border Foundation" in 1849, declares the whole Military Border to be a part of the imperial army. Although the basic intention of that Law was to subordinate social relationships in Military Border to its main task, i. e. to supply the Monarchy permanently with cheap army, still it did not succeed to stop the process of social differentiation and destruction of outlived forms of traditional Military Border society, In this paper are analyzed first of all those social phenomena in Military Border which point to the movement of the social structure and the crisis of traditional military-rural society. Besides problems of disharmony between legal superstructure and social reality there are analyzed the efforts of Croatian business circles to hold back - by means of concentrating merchants and craftsmen in Croatia under the ban and in Military Border - the Austrian capital existing for centuries in Military Border, that important part of Croatian territories.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

U ovom radu nastojim ispitati osnovnu tezu o nastanku prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se pojavljuju kao poseban historijsko-empirijski model stranačke organizacije. Model prezidencijaliziranih stranaka ne predstavlja sljedeću fazu u postojećoj razvojnoj teoriji političkih stranaka koja bi označila kretanje prema još jednomu novom tipu stranke, niti mu se mogu pridodati značenja i vrijednosti novoga razvojnog tipa. Valjan je samo kao analitički model kojim se na historijskoj i empirijskoj razini može pratiti prilagodba suvremenih političkih stranaka zahtjevima socijalnih i političkih čimbenika za sve većom individualizacijom političkog života. Ono što prezidencijalizirane stranke čini specifičnim modelom upravo su ključne karakteristike snažne koncentracije moći u rukama stranačkog vođe i centralizacije procesa političkog odlučivanja, iz čega proizlaze njegova autonomija u formuliranju stranačkih politika, programa i izbornih strategija, neupitna dominacija nad svim razinama stranačke organizacije te rigidna hijerarhijska stranačka struktura. Komparativna analiza britanske Laburističke stranke, Španjolske socijalističke radničke stranke i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice nedvosmisleno je potvrdila glavnu hipotezu kojom je uspostavljena uzročna veza između složene kombinacije strukturnih i kontekstualnih čimbenika, koji su identificirani kao glavni pokretači prezidencijalizacijskih procesa, i nastanka prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se organizacijski prilagođavaju izazovima suvremenih demokracija. ; In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other. In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other.

Pokrovčeva knjiga Slobodno stvaranje prava: Herman U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (2018) nameće pitanje izraženo naslovom ovog rada na koje rad odgovara u tri koraka: prvo, pretpostavkom da je pitanje odgovorivo samo idealnim tipovima pravnih disciplina / funkcija; drugo, upućivanjem na kontekst Kantorowiczevih gledišta, osobito na objavu presuda; treće, ocjenom da je Kantorowicz podijelio pravnu znanost u prepletene funkcije a ne u odvojene discipline. U tu svrhu rad nudi idealne tipove disciplina i funkcija pravne dogmatike, pravne historije, pravne teorije i, kao najsloženiji i najkorisniji skup funkcija, pravnopolitičku analizu. Pretpostavka je, koja se ne dokazuje, da ne postoji ni oštra granica između pravne znanosti i susjednih znanosti: sociologije, ekonomije, psihologije, filozofije. ; Is Herman U. Kantorowicz's classification of legal disciplines - which includes general legal science, legal dogmatics, legal history, sociology of law, philosophy of law, and legal policy - a division of scholarly knowledge of law into distinct disciplines/sciences or into intertwined functions of a single scholarly discipline/science? The question is prompted by the book written by Zoran Pokrovac entitled Slobodno stvaranje prava: Hermann U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (Free Law: Hermann U. Kantorowicz and the Free Law Movement ) and published by "Breza" and the Faculty of Law of the University of Split in 2018. Answering this question may assist Croatian legal scholars in finding standards of scholarly excellence, especially of research de lege ferenda. This paper offers an answer in three steps. The first is the recognition that scholarly practices differ considerably, which means that the question may be answered only by construing and correlating ideal types of legal disciplines / functions that are compatible with Kantorowicz's general ideas, prominent interpretations of legal scholarship, and Croatian mainstream legal scholarship since. The second step provides a context of Kantorowicz's ...

Migracijska kretanja su konstanta ljudske povijesti, bilo da se radi o dobrovoljnim ili prisilnim migracijama. No,s prijelaza s 2015. na 2016. godinu, Europa se suočila s izbjegličkom krizom koja je uzrokovana dugogodišnjim tranzicijskim procesima na Bliskom istoku i sjevernoj Africi. Ti su tranzicijski procesi uzrokovali građanski rat u Siriji i Libiji, ali i stvorili ogromnu nestabilnost u susjednim državama. Veliki broj migranata s područja Bliskog istoka, Afrike i Azije je krenuo prema Europi, a cilj im je bio stići u najrazvijenije zemlje Europe, Njemačku, Švedsku, Norvešku i druge. Na putu koji se proteže preko Turske i Grčke pa sve do Švedske, našle su se i države koje su svoju samostalnost stekle dezintegracijom Jugoslavije. Neke od država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije su članice Europske unije i NATO pakta, no to im nije olakšalo suočavanje s izbjegličkom krizom, iako su one, u većini slučajeva, samo tranzitne zemlje. Nedostatak sredstava, slaba koordinacija, manjak institucionalnih kapaciteta i problemi s drugim državama samo su neki od izazova s kojima su se ove države suočile. Upravo zbog svih navedenih problema ovaj rad se bavi komparacijom migracijskih politika država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije, i to ne samo onih koje se nalaze na Balkanskoj ruti, već i Crne Gore i Bosne i Hercegovine. ; Migration movements have been a constant feature of human history, wheather voluntary or forced. However, in the late 2015 Europe was faced with refugee crisis caused by long – term transition process in Middle East and North Africa. That transition process caused Civil war in Syria and Libya and instability in neighboring countries. A huge number of migrants from Middle East, Africa and Asia headed to Europe with the aim to reach most developed countries: Germany, Sweden, Norway etc. Countries which gained their independence with desintergration of Yugoslavia can be found on the path from Turkey and Greece towards countries as far as Sweden. Althought some of the states that have been createdafter the ...

Modernizacijski procesi na svim razinama koji su se odražavali na svakodnevni život i bili glavnim uzrocima reforme života, društvenih, kulturnih i pedagoških pokreta europskog fin de sièclea reflektirali su se i na Hrvatsku, osobito na njezina urbana područja. Europska je reformna pedagogija sa svojim glavnim predstavnicima i koncepcijama, barem na informativnoj razini, dopirala do hrvatskih učitelja. Začetnici reformne pedagogije u Hrvatskoj su zagrebački učitelji Vjekoslav Koščević i Ivan Tomašić. Njihova reformska nastojanja manifestirala su se u istupima protiv herbartovske pedagogije, u prikupljanju iskustava i spoznaja o reformnim pedagoškim pokretima u srednjoeuropskim zemljama i njihovoj implementaciji u vlastitu pedagošku praksu te u pokušajima organiziranog promicanja ideja reformne pedagogije kroz Hrvatsko društvo za unapređenje uzgoja i časopis Preporod. Brojni su učitelji i učiteljice osluškivali puls početka "stoljeća djeteta" i diskretno prilagođavali svoju pedagošku praksu novom duhu. Nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata – u novoj državnoj zajednici Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (od 1929. Kraljevini Jugoslaviji) – hrvatski su se učitelji angažirali na području praktične školske reforme odnosno didaktičko-metodičke obnove, koja je značila nastavak procesa započetog prije Prvoga svjetskog rata. Radna škola kao glavni cilj didaktičko-metodičke obnove postala je tridesetih godina 20. stoljeća i službeno pedagoško usmjerenje, pod snažnim uplivom prosvjetne politike i ideologije ondašnje jugoslavenske države. Funkciju učiteljskih ferijalnih tečajeva radne škole, kao modela stručnog usavršavanja učitelja za novu školu, od sredine tridesetih preuzimaju državne ogledne škole. Glavni predstavnici pokreta radne škole u Hrvatskoj bili su: Ante Defrančeski, Josip Demarin, Mate Demarin, Salih Ljubunčić, Marijan Markovac, Zlatko Špoljar, Stjepan Zaninović i drugi. Tijekom dva međuratna desetljeća u Hrvatskoj se profiliraju akademski obrazovani pedagozi, teoretičari koji su se bavili ključnim pitanjima pedagogije kao (duhovno)znanstvene ili filozofijske discipline i istodobno održavali vezu s aktualnom pedagoškom zbiljom i kritički upozoravali na neke negativne pojave u praksi nove škole: Stjepan Matičević, Pavao Vuk-Pavlović, Stjepan Pataki, Vladimir Petz i drugi. Refleksije reformne pedagogije zamjetne su i u ostalim sferama odgojno-obrazovnog rada kao što su: obrazovanje odraslih, zdravstveno prosvjećivanje, socijalna skrb i zaštita djece, organizacije djece i mladih, suradnja roditeljskog doma i škole te različiti oblici kulturnog i umjetničkog rada s djecom i za djecu. Alternativni pedagoški koncepti odškrinuli su 1990-ih vrata pedagoškom i školskom pluralizmu u Hrvatskoj, no on je i nakon dva desetljeća u početnoj fazi razvoja. ; The processes of modernisation evident at all levels, which reflected on everyday life and were the key factors of lifestyle changes and of social, cultural and pedagogical movements at the fin de siècle in Europe, reflected also upon Croatia, particularly its urban areas. European reformist pedagogy, with its key representatives and concepts, reached Croatian teachers as well, at least in the form of general awareness. The reformist pedagogy in Croatia was established by two teachers from Zagreb, Vjekoslav Koščević and Ivan Tomašić. Their reformist attempts were evident in their stands against Herbart's pedagogy, in gathering experience of and insights in the reformist pedagogy movements in Central European countries and the implementation of those insights in their own pedagogical practice, as well as in their attempts of organised promotion of reformist ideas through the Croatian Society for the Improvement of Edification and the Preporod journal. Numerous teachers were waiting to see how the "century of the child" was going to develop, adjusting discretely their pedagogical practice to the new spirit. After the First World War, in the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia after 1929), Croatian teachers were active in the area of practical school reform, or didactical-methodical renewal, which meant a continuation of the pre-World War I process. The working school, as the main goal of the didactical-methodical renewal, became an official pedagogical trend in the 1930s, under the strong influence of educational policy and ideology of Yugoslavia of the time. From the mid-1930s, the state model schools took over the task of working school training courses for teachers as a model of professional development of teachers for the new school. The main representatives of the working school movement in Croatia included Ante Defrančeski, Josip Demarin, Mate Demarin, Salih Ljubunčić, Marijan Markovac, Zlatko Špoljar and Stjepan Zaninović, among others. Academically educated pedagogues and theoretical scholars, who addressed the key issues of pedagogy as a spiritual-scientific or philosophical discipline, appeared in Croatia during the two decades between the two wars: Stjepan Matičević, Pavao Vuk-Pavlović, Stjepan Pataki, Vladimir Petz and others. At the same time, they were also staying in touch with the then current pedagogic reality and critiquing certain negative phenomena in the practice of the new school. The reformist pedagogy was also reflected in other areas of educational work, such as adult education, mass health education, social care and child care, children's and youth organisations, collaboration between parents and schools and various forms of cultural and artistic activities with and for children. The alternative concepts of pedagogy opened the door towards pedagogy and school pluralism in Croatia in the 1990s, but two decades later, it is still in its initial phase of development.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Rad se bavi istraživanjem učinaka personalizacije izbornog sustava prije svega na političke stranke i kandidate za zastupnike. Pod personalizacijom izbornog sustava smatra se uvođenje mehanizama u izborni sustav koji osiguravaju veću ulogu birača u izboru njihovih parlamentarnih zastupnika. U radu su predstavljene četiri gusto opisane studije slučaja koje su služile kao temelj za testiranje temeljne i pomoćnih hipoteza. Rad sadrži fokusiranu poredbenu analizu dometa personalizacije izbornog sustava u odnosu na tri ključna slučaja (Austrija, Nizozemska i Finska), kao i u odnosu na kontrolni slučaj Kosovo. U radu je dokazano da snažni personalizirani izborni sustavi, koji imaju najveće vrijednosti personalizacije, odnosno izmjerene vrijednosti utjecaja dva institucionalna potičuća mehanizma koji su predstavljali nezavisne varijable ovog istraživanja (a. preferencijsko glasovanje unutar razmjernog sustava stranačkih lista i b. procedura selekcije kandidata), dovode do personalizacije političkih stranaka na razini zastupnika. Kroz dokazivanje pomoćnih hipoteza ispraćeni su učinci personalizacije izbornog sustava na političke stranke, kandidate/zastupnike, birače odnosno stranački/politički sustav. U radu predstavljeni nalazi fokusirane poredbene analize potvrđuju da snažna personalizacija izbornog sustava vodi personalizaciji izborne kampanje te smanjenoj ulozi političkih stranaka u političkom životu. Smanjena uloga stranaka u kampanjama otvara prostor jačanju uloge konkretnih donatora. Poslanici postaju nezavisniji u odnosu na stranku, ali s druge strane otvoreni za utjecaje donatora svojih kampanja. Nemogućnost opoziva, odnosno tekovina da je zastupnik, a ne stranka vlasnik mandata, dodatno ojačava poziciju zastupnika, a slabi poziciju stranke. Pozicija zastupnika jača, kao i birača koji imaju u snažno personaliziranim izbornim sustavima mogućnost presudnog utjecanja na to tko će ih zastupati u parlamentu, odnosno na koga će privremeno prenijeti suverenitet kao njegovi nositelji. Finski primjer najbolje pokazuje utjecaj snažne personalizacije izbornog sustava na političke stranke, kandidate i birače u konsolidiranoj demokraciji. Slučaj Kosova kao kontrolni slučaj govori da ukoliko izostane prevlast osobnog u odnosu na stranačko u unutarstranačkim procesima, učinci snažnog preferencijskog sustava bit će umanjeni. Izostanak vladavine prava utječe na ravnopravnost kandidata u predizbornim kampanjama, ali snažno preferencijsko glasovanje umanjuje negativne efekte izostanka demokratskih procedura unutar stranke te potiče daljnju demokratsku konsolidaciju u nekonsolidiranim demokracijama. ; The doctoral dissertation deals with research into the effects of personalization of the electoral system primarily on political parties and candidates for deputies. The personalization of the electoral system means the introduction of mechanisms in the electoral system that ensure a greater role for voters in the election of their parliamentary representatives. I define the electoral system as a "set of laws and party rules governing electoral competition between and within the parties" (Cox 1997: 38). This wider definition of the electoral system gives us space to build a more complete picture of the electoral system's impact on political parties, candidates and voters as main actors in the electoral process. The focus of the research is the relationship between personal and party representation. In order to conduct a more comprehensive analysis of the effects of personalization on political parties, the research framework is narrowed down to list proportional electoral systems with preferential voting. Contemporary liberal democracy is characterized by a highly personalized politics. Governments are more recognizable by their leaders than by the parties that are the basis of their constitution. This personalization trend is not characteristic exclusively of presidential systems, but has become a feature of parliamentary political systems. In addition to personalization of the party at the leader level, there is also the personalization of politics at the level of members of parliament (MPs). In this paper, we only use the term 'personalization of a party' in reference to personalization at the level of the MP. We will not deal with the question of the presidentialization of political parties. Under the personalization of a political party at the level of MPs, we mean strengthening the position of deputies in the intra-party decision-making process. Thanks to the introduction of preferential voting in list proportional list systems, the group of electoral systems in which voters play an important role in the selection of their representatives has significantly expanded. Historically speaking, the representative position has been strengthened by the accepted attitude that the MP, not the party, is the 'owner of the mandate'; preferential voting supports this. This paper deals with the personalization of politics at the level of the representative—the political party. That is to say, it explores the question of to what degree personalization of the electoral system affects the political party, its intra- and its inter-party dimension. Moreover, the paper deals with personal and party representation, an area that is a new field of interest for political scientists. Through this relationship, I explore the effect of electoral systems on political parties, candidates and voters. in developing this work, I was guided by the results achieved by Katz (1980, 1986) and Marsh 9 (1985) who first dealt with this issue. In his book A Theory of Parties and Electoral Systems (1980), Katz took his first steps in the research of preferential systems. Five years later, Marsh (1985) was dealing with differences between the preferential systems in Europe. In their works, Katz and Marsh set forth the first hypotheses about the effects of preferential voting. Although there has been a growing interest in research in this area over the last decade, no significant progress has yet been made. Karvonen (2004) made a significant step in systematizing the hypotheses of Katz and Marsh, and he added some more points. In his last paper on this subject (2011), Karvonen was working within the same group of hypotheses, which were open to further research. They are the basis of this research, with additional contributions. A major impetus for this work was one of the most influential articles in this field, 'Incentives to Cultivate a Personal Vote: A Rank Ordering of Electoral Formulas' by Carey and Shugart (1995), which examines the question of the influence of electoral systems on the candidate's electoral strategies—that is, how electoral systems influence the pre-election roles of parties and their candidates. The authors developed three variables: (1) lack of party leadership control over access to and rank in ballots; (2) degree to which candidates are elected on individual votes independent of copartisans; and (3) whether voters cast a single intra-party vote instead of multiple votes or a party-level vote. By combining these three variables, there are up to thirteen combinations. This approach set me up to explore the impact that personalization creates when it comes to the relationship between the MP candidate and the party, or the MP and the party. Most authors agree that the introduction of personalization of the electoral system significantly affects interparty relations, which are sometimes reflected in a high degree of autonomy in campaigning and even in the collection and spending of funds for funding of their personal campaign. The bidding of candidates from the same party exercises a strong influence on intra-party relations, and it often happens that rival relations within the parties remain in the shadow of rival relations between the parties.

Turizam je moguće, od svih definicija, označiti kao fenomen čija je osnova kretanje i putovanje. Turizam je najprilagodljiviji od svih turističkih grana te je izložen mnogim uplivima, poput političkih, socijalnih i osobnih. Kao odgovor na brzi ritam suvremenog života intenzivno raste potražnja za nedirnutim ekološko čistim područjima, a osobna sigurnost postaje jedan od glavnih kriterija odluke, uz sve veći trend brige za vlastito zdravlje. Kamping turizam je postao globalni fenomen, ako se uzme u obzir izazovan način života u trenucima svjetske pandemije COVID-19, te savršen odgovor na sve veću potrebu za boravkom u prirodi i sigurnim načinom odmora. Isto tako, kamping turizam je u ogromnom porastu u svijetu, a Republika Hrvatska je značajna destinacija kamping turizma u Europi. Republika Hrvatska ima veliki potencijal za razvoj kamping turizma, s obzirom na to da kampovi sudjeluju s 23 posto smještajnih kapaciteta i 22 posto noćenja u ukupnom hrvatskom turizmu. U ovome se radu analizira i prikazuje postojeće stanje kamping turizma Republike Hrvatske, kako bi se mogle istaknuti daljnje mogućnosti razvoja ove vrste turizma. ; Of all definitions, tourism can be defined as a phenomenon based on movement and travel. Tourism is the most adaptable of all branches of tourism, and it is exposed to numerous influences, such as political, social, and personal. In response to the fast pace of modern life, the demand for untouched ecological areas has been intensively increasing, and personal safety has become one of the main criteria for decision-making along with increasing trend of taking care of one's health. Camping tourism has become a global phenomenon, given the challenging way of life in the times of global COVID-19 pandemic, and the perfect response to the growing need to stay in nature and have a safe vacation. Camping tourism is on the rise world-wide and the Republic of Croatia is an important camping tourism destination in Europe. The Republic of Croatia has great potential for the development of camping tourism since camps participate with 23% of accommodation capacities and 22% of overnight stays in total Croatian tourism. This paper analyses and presents the current state of camping tourism in the Republic of Croatia in order to highlight further possibilities for the development of this type of tourism.