The article discusses the origin and development of the ecological movement in Bulgaria in the first period of political transformation, against the background of similar experiences of Balkan countries. In the Balkan reality, the social activity of ecological groups is perceived as an example of the penetration of Western European cultural patterns, but also as an effect of "ecological pressure" resulting from the aspirations of South-Eastern European countries to integrate with European structures. To a small extent, the contemporary ecological sensitivity of the inhabitants of the Balkans refers to earlier experiences, such as those from the first decade of the political transformation. Against this background, the birth of the "indigenous" ecological movement in Bulgaria and its significant participation in the downfall of Todor Zhivkov's regime can be considered an exceptional phenomenon. ; Artykuł omawia powstanie i rozwój ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii w pierwszym okresie transformacji ustrojowej, na tle podobnych doświadczeń państw bałkańskich. W bałkańskich realiach społeczna aktywność ugrupowań ekologicznych jest postrzegana jako przykład przenikania zachodnioeuropejskich wzorców kulturowych, ale także jako efekt "presji ekologicznej" wynikającej z dążenia krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej do integracji ze strukturami europejskimi. W niewielkim stopniu współczesna wrażliwość ekologiczna mieszkańców Bałkanów odwołuje się do wcześniejszych doświadczeń, choćby tych z pierwszej dekady transformacji ustrojowej. Na tym tle zjawiskiem za zjawisko wyjątkowe można uznać narodziny "autochtonicznego" ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii, a także jego znaczący udział w procesie upadku reżimu Todora Żiwkowa.
This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.
Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.
Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
France is a country where the problems of local development as a means of rational utilization of local factors and conditions of growth have been studied for more than 20 years. It has been so due to the activity of the French social movement called "mouvement des pays", which opposes to the traditional model of managing the socio-economic development. That movement propagates the conception of microregions Which would embrace the territories of so-called "pays" with their population committed to common social and economic interests and bound by common traditions and history. The crisis of the '70 heightened the interests of the State in the problems of local communities and resulted in undertaking actions towards creating microregions and promoting local development. However, it was not before the period of preparations of the decentralization reform of the '80 that a more intensive dialogue and some assimilation of standpoints of the social movement and the State administration took place. In her article, the author presents the evolution of views of the social movement and the State central administration on the conceptions of microregions and local development. Particular attention was paid to solutions adopted in the course of the decentralization reform and to the possibilities of adapting them to Polish conditions. Since nowadays, due to the implementation of the economic reform, similar issues are of current interest in Poland, it seems useful to observe intently French developments, especially that despite obvious political and social differences, France seems to be a good point of reference for comparisons. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
The article analyzes transformation of the ideological factor of terrorism in 21st century. The author emphasizes transition from grand narratives (Marxism, fascism) to little narratives of new social movements. In his opinion terrorism without ideology is more dangerous than ideological terrorism.
The military operations conducted by Russia since February 2022 are deepening the material and humanitarian catastrophe in Ukraine every day. As a result, they also caused a wave of refugees to neighboring countries, including Poland. Most of the refugees, right after crossing the border, ended up in the so-called central reception points. Their organization and operation were unprecedented. From both an administrative and social point of view, we are dealing with a completely new phenomenon. Reception points are hybrid institutions created as a result of administrative decisions, but their functioning in Poland would be difficult to imagine without the social involvement of citizens, i.e. without countless support initiatives that created a powerful social movement. The article presented here is a summary of a field study conducted in April 2022. Its subject was the functioning of reception points in their institutional and civic dimension; their specific and nodal nature, which attracted the social movement to help refugees; the dynamics of attitudes and motivations of the parties involved in their functioning, as well as the cooperation of various social actors in this area.
The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance. ; The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.
This paper discusses the main notions of the theory of organization and operation of a social movement that has been termed the anti-, and alter-globalization movement since the late 1990s. Its beginnings can be found in the protests of the populations of both Americas, mainly those of Mexico and the US, against a free-trade zone and agreements of states with international organizations. Attention should be paid to the structures the movement has built in European Union states, most closely related to globalization processes. Here both formal structures are encountered, such as the non-government organization Attac, and informal organizations operating on the principles of direct democracy. Formal organizations formulate legal and legitimate statutes and attempt to discuss the issues of globalization at the level of public debate. This is the path chosen by the parties of the so-called 'new politics' – prophetic, left-wing and libertarian parties. Informal organizations usually operate along principles of direct action and dialogue inside the movement itself. The key role in the shaping of the organizational structures of the anti-, and alter-globalization movements in Europe is played by the international European Social Forum, which is the venue for annual meetings and debates of different ideological currents.
This paper discusses the main notions of the theory of organization and operation of a social movement that has been termed the anti-, and alter-globalization movement since the late 1990s. Its beginnings can be found in the protests of the populations of both Americas, mainly those of Mexico and the US, against a free-trade zone and agreements of states with international organizations. Attention should be paid to the structures the movement has built in European Union states, most closely related to globalization processes. Here both formal structures are encountered, such as the non-government organization Attac, and informal organizations operating on the principles of direct democracy. Formal organizations formulate legal and legitimate statutes and attempt to discuss the issues of globalization at the level of public debate. This is the path chosen by the parties of the so-called 'new politics' – prophetic, left-wing and libertarian parties. Informal organizations usually operate along principles of direct action and dialogue inside the movement itself. The key role in the shaping of the organizational structures of the anti-, and alter-globalization movements in Europe is played by the international European Social Forum, which is the venue for annual meetings and debates of different ideological currents.
One of the consequences of the influx of refugees and immigrants to the European continent is the rise of anti-immigration sentiments. These translate, among other things, into the emergence of anti-immigrant social movements. The subject of consideration will be their activity in our country. They have intensified due to the immigration crisis, which has been de facto unnoticeable in Poland so far. In contrast, now, when Poland is facing an unprecedented influx of refugees and immigrants from Ukraine, anti-immigrant movements are of marginal significance. The study will show anti-immigration movements in Poland from the pe rspective of selected theories from the social sciences. Then, the factors influencing the development of this type of social activity in Poland will be discussed. The last part will present the previous activity of anti-immigration movements in our country. The central hypothesis is based on the assumption that factors potentially conducive to developing anti-immigrant movements have emerged in Poland. They took the form of an influx of immigrants and refugees on a previously unprecedented scale and under the conditions of watershed moments, including the migration crisis in Europe, the COVID-19 pandemic, the immigration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border, the war in Ukraine and the deteriorating economic situation. On the other hand, a group of factors led by the political situation, which has so far effectively limited the growth of these movements on a broader scale, has emerged.
The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.
