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Other People's Struggles is the first attempt in over forty years to explain the place of "conscience constituents" in social movements. Conscience constituents are people who participate in a movement but do not stand to benefit if it succeeds. Why do such people participate when they do not stand to benefit? Why are they sometimes present and sometimes absent in social movements? Why and when is their participation welcome to those who do stand to benefit, and why and when is it not? The work proposes an original theory to answer these questions, crossing discipline boundaries to draw on the findings of social psychology, philosophy, and normative political theory, in search of explanations of why people act altruistically and what it means to others when they do so. The theory is illustrated by examples from British history, including the antislavery movement, the women's suffrage and liberation movements, labor and socialist movements, anticolonial movements, antipoverty movements, and movements for global justice. Other People's Struggles also contributes to new debates concerning the rights and wrongs of "speaking for others." Debates concerning the limits of solidarity—who can be an "ally" and on what terms—have become very topical in contemporary politics, especially in identity politics and in the new "populist" movements. The book provides a theoretical and empirical account of how these questions have been addressed in the past and how they might be framed today.

Mobilization against apartheid in South Africa, the campaign against blood diamonds, the women's movement in Liberia where Africa's first female head of State was elected in 2005 - these are all examples of socially based movements that have had a major effect on Africa's recent history. Yet the most influential theories concerning social movements worldwide have paid little heed to Africa. This volume draws together contributions on social movements in Africa, setting empirical studies alongside a couple of theoretical chapters. The volume is the outcome of a conference held in Leiden on 23-24 October 2008. Contents: Theoretical perspectives: Introduction: African social movements or social movements in Africa? (Stephen Ellis & Ineke van Kessel); Social movement theory: past, present & prospects (Jacquelien van Stekelenburg & Bert Klandermans); Speaking to global debates through a national and continental lens: South African and African social movements in comparative perspective (Adam Habib & Paul Opoku-Mensah). Case studies: African civil society, 'blood diamonds' and the Kimberley process (Lansana Gberie); The Islamic Courts Union: the ebb and flow of a Somali Islamist movement (Jon Abbink); Liberia's women acting for peace: collective action in a war-affected country (Veronika Fuest); Nurtured from the pulpit: the emergence and growth of Malawi's democracy movement (Boniface Dulani); Bare-foot activists: transformations in the Haratine movement in Mauritania (Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem); An Islamic social movement in contemporary West Africa: NASFAT of Nigeria (Benjamin Soares); The United Democratic Front's legacy in South Africa: mission accomplished or vision betrayed? (Ineke van Kessel); 'Campus cults' in Nigeria: the development of an anti-social movement (Stephen Ellis).

Attendant with the rise of the good governance discourse of the 1990s and beyond, contemporary research on social activism in Africa has tended to be rooted in normalised conceptions of civil society operating in partnership with the state. The proliferation of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) over this period has attracted considerable attention from international donors and researchers alike – so much so that, for many, NGOs have now become synonymous with civil society. As a consequence, considerable gaps are evident in the literature on social movement activism and what this means in specific African contexts. Drawing from an empirical study of political and social activism in Malawi over a six year period (2000-2006), this paper aims at making a contribution in this regard, focusing on the agency and activism of a civic network of organisations and individuals known as the Malawi Economic Justice Network (MEJN). Arguing that MEJN constitutes a social movement in that it embodies many of the associated characteristics identified within literature (a decentralised structure; an emphasis on popular participation and direct democracy; a dynamic membership; and a strong internal solidarity (Pichardo, 1997; della Porta and Diani, 1999; della Porta, 2009), the paper follows the journey of the network – from its genesis within the Jubilee campaign for debt cancellation, to its consolidation through the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) process, to its fragmentation with the attraction of donor funding, to its re-invigoration through challenges posed by its local district membership base – and identifies both the enabling factors and the constraints to its success in effecting social and political change over this time. MEJN's experience and journey demonstrates the increasingly globalised nature of African social movement activism and highlights both the opportunities and constraints to strategies for change posed by this globalisation.

The social movement in period of 1906-1942 started with the intervention of the Dutch colonial government to the economic income resources of the people which then triggered social chaos and unrest marked by open conflict and opposition between the Dutch and the indigenous people of South East Celebes. The collection of personal tax, the reduction of economic resources of traditional authorities such as port tax and levy, tobacco tax, export import tax, and others created instability and unrest at the level of traditional authorities as well as low class people who had been always the objects of tax. The opposition of the local people indicated the existence of strong refusal to the economic condition which was going on among the indigenous people, even when it was done by the local authorities or sultanate of Buton. So, it can be understood that the social movement was caused not only by political factors, but also by economic factors intervened by the intervention of external power.

In the last decade there has been a growing attention on the topic of political participation in the later life. Yet, there is still a lack of research on older people's participation in social movements and the meanings of their involvement. Within the current context of protests, particularly in the 15M-Indignad@ s movement, the Iaioflautas appeared. Founded in Barcelona in 2011, the Iaioflautas ("flute-grannies") is a networked social movement that gathers older activists who wish to give voice to their demands in a non-institutional organization. Their identity revolves around two main concepts: they are old people, and they are Indignad@s. Drawing from contributions of the social movements' literature, this paper aims to describe the Iaioflautas protest movement from the perspective of highly engaged members and to identify its salient characteristics. Information was gathered by means of semi-structured interviews with 15 active members of the organization in Barcelona. The main findings are, first, Iaioflautas responds to organizational forms of the new networked social movement, which represents an organizational change in diverse ways. Second, Iaioflautas aims at specific and socially oriented goals, allowing heterogeneity and preventing self-driven interests. Third, the fact of being mobilized older adults as well as their characteristic joyful and cheerful ways yields them great social approval. Fourth, participants are gradually increasing their adoption of ICTs for organizational and personal purposes. Lastly, Iaioflautas share significant similarities with another older adults' social movement: the Raging Grannies.

The evaluative framework of Sen's capability approach provides the most robust alternative to utilitarian economics and its income and growth oriented vision of development. However, despite its affirmation of human flourishing as development objective, it does not provide an alternative to economic and social practices which undermine that objective. It therefore needs to engage more with forms of social and political mobilisation, which seek to create an alternative social and economic world more akin to human flourishing and dignity. The aim of this paper is to analyze the role of these social and political mobilizations in development. We argue that they constitute a new type of social movements inspired by 'hope'. That is, following Bloch, they are striving forward to create another world, moved by the anticipatory consciousness of a 'not-yet-become'. We examine two seeming dissimilar social movements: the Zapatistas in Latin America and the Live Simply in Europe. Despite their differences, these movements share common characteristics, which do not fit easily within the category of 'new' social movements, in that they question the existing relation between social movements and development, and intend to offer not simply alternative forms of development but alternatives to development. We propose to name them 'hope movements' so as to better capture what they are and do. We conclude by discussing the significance and implications of the category of hope for development.

Emerging global social movement and media activist practices are integrating intersectional politics into technologically facilitated activism. Based on a multiyear empirical study, this article proposes a preliminary theoretical framework that maps 5 key dimensions of an emergent intersectional technopolitics: (1) intersectional anticapitalist politics enacted in meta-issue movements; (2) distributed online–offline media architectures and motility; (3) multiplicities of genres, forms, technologies, and spaces; (4) translocal solidarity economies and technologies; and (5) liberatory intersectional mechanisms of collective autonomy. The author argues that intersectional technopolitics is an innovative and complex set of coherent global social movement and media activist practices rooted in meta-issue movements integrated with transmedia digital technologies. The article concludes with a critical analysis of contradictions encountered by intersectional technopolitics activists as they interact with the structures of broader social movements, social media technologies, and societal hierarchies.

Across the globe, movements are confronting states and elites, challenging inequalities and mobilising for greater justice, a stronger voice, and progressive policy changes. In this article, I bridge the divide between Social Policy and the interdisciplinary field of Social Movement Studies. I examine how and why social movements, as actors in policy fields and social movement theories, matter for social policy. I argue that research on social movements as actors and engagement with social movement theories can open new horizons in Social Policy research by advancing our understanding of the politics of policy from a global perspective and strengthening our analytical and explanatory frameworks of agency, ideas, and power in the study of continuity and change of policy.

This article revisits the debate over Barker and Cox's (2011) use of Gramsci's distinction between traditional and organic intellectuals to contrast academic and activist modes of theorizing about social movements. Often misread as an attack on personal choices in career and writing, the distinction aimed to highlight the different purposes, audiences, and social relationships entailed by these different forms of theorizing. Discourses which take 'scholarship' as their starting point position 'activist' as a personal choice within an institutional field, and substitute this moral commitment for a political assessment of its effects. By contrast, few academics have undergone the political learning curve represented by social movements. This may explain the widespread persistence – beyond any intellectual or empirical credibility – of a faith in 'critical scholarship' isolated from agency, an orientation to policy makers and mainstream media as primary audiences or an unquestioned commitment to existing institutional frameworks as pathways to substantial social change. Drawing on over three decades of movement participation and two of academic work, this article explores two processes of activist training within the academy. It also explores the politics of different experiences of theoretical publishing for social movements audiences. This discussion focuses on the control of the "means of mental production" (Marx, 1965), and the politics of distribution. The conclusion explores the broader implications of these experiences for the relationship between movements and research.

La década que inició en 2010 despertó con agitaciones sociales en metrópolis como Nueva York o El Cairo; pero también en sitios periféricos y sin embargo neurálgicos como Chile, donde un movimiento que demandaba educación accesible para todos se gestó justamente en las universidades nacionales. Es esta movilización social la que Jorge Saavedra Utman usa como punto de partida para señalar la discrepancia entre las promesas de las democracias liberales, particularmente sobre sus efectos en el derecho a tener una voz en la opinión pública, y los condicionamientos del modelo económico político neoliberal que han adoptado desde finales del siglo XX.

Since the Belgian federal elections of May 2014, many waves of protest have emerged from civil society against the austerity plan. Despite all the expectations placed in new digital tools (like for Occupy Wall Street or Indignados), it seems that protestors are still voiceless. In order to understand this phenomenon, this paper develops two analyses: one focused on the communicators (i.e. "how the social profile of activists in charge of communication may configure their communication?") and another one focused on the uses of digital tools (i.e. "how do activists use digital tools in order to enlarge participation and enhance mobilization?"). Concerning the first analytical focus, this paper highlights two parallel trends: the professionalization of social movements (e.g. Powers, 2014, 2015), and the potential democratization offered by digital tools (e.g. Breindl, 2016). The second analytical focus raises important questions for the public sphere (Habermas, 1962). Because of the fragmentation of the public (Dahlgren, 1994), new public spheres emerged (Neveu, 1999). The challenge for social movements is thus to reach every citizen, despite the fact that they do not evolve in the same public sphere. This paper focuses on two social movements: Alliance D19-20 and Tout autre chose. The methodology is based on interviews with activist communicators, on observations during actions and meetings (in order to get a grasp of the activists' communication practices) and on an analysis of their digital tools (websites and social media profiles). The informants are mainly young, highly educated, male, living in the capital region and working for non-profit organizations. While our sample points to the middle-class origin of activists, it also suggests that their ideologies are different (class-struggle oriented for Alliance D19-20 and re-imagination of leftist communication for Tout autre chose). Those activists do not have any diploma in communication. This may be an evidence of the democratization of communication. But some tasks are still considered as difficult (because of the technical or psychological barrier), such as managing a website. Two opposite solutions are put forward by the informants: training/education or outsourcing. Alliance D19-20 mostly uses Twitter, which is explained by the nature of their actions (instantaneity) and their objective to reach out to politicians and journalists. Indeed, Twitter is considered as a political-journalistic sphere in Belgium. On the contrary, Tout autre chose mostly uses Facebook in order to mobilize people and enlarge participation. Internet creates a new public sphere that is more dynamic, diverse, decentralized and effective than the traditional public sphere; it allows more citizens to give their opinions (Benkler et al., 2013). But does it really lead to enlarging participation and improving democracy? More research is needed in order to examine whether ideas do indeed circulate better on the Web or whether they are locked in specific spheres (or bubbles; see Pariser, 2012). Another threat for the public sphere can come from the misuses of online tools, which may undermine democracy, as can be the case with algorithms (passive selective exposure) and Web propaganda.

Since the Belgian federal elections of May 2014, many waves of protest have emerged from civil society against the austerity plan. Despite all the expectations placed in new digital tools (like for Occupy Wall Street or Indignados), it seems that protestors are still voiceless. In order to understand this phenomenon, this paper develops two analyses: one focused on the communicators (i.e. "how the social profile of activists in charge of communication may configure their communication?") and another one focused on the uses of digital tools (i.e. "how do activists use digital tools in order to enlarge participation and enhance mobilization?"). Concerning the first analytical focus, this paper highlights two parallel trends: the professionalization of social movements (e.g. Powers, 2014, 2015), and the potential democratization offered by digital tools (e.g. Breindl, 2016). The second analytical focus raises important questions for the public sphere (Habermas, 1962). Because of the fragmentation of the public (Dahlgren, 1994), new public spheres emerged (Neveu, 1999). The challenge for social movements is thus to reach every citizen, despite the fact that they do not evolve in the same public sphere. This paper focuses on two social movements: Alliance D19-20 and Tout autre chose. The methodology is based on interviews with activist communicators, on observations during actions and meetings (in order to get a grasp of the activists' communication practices) and on an analysis of their digital tools (websites and social media profiles). The informants are mainly young, highly educated, male, living in the capital region and working for non-profit organizations. While our sample points to the middle-class origin of activists, it also suggests that their ideologies are different (class-struggle oriented for Alliance D19-20 and re-imagination of leftist communication for Tout autre chose). Those activists do not have any diploma in communication. This may be an evidence of the democratization of communication. But some tasks are still considered as difficult (because of the technical or psychological barrier), such as managing a website. Two opposite solutions are put forward by the informants: training/education or outsourcing. Alliance D19-20 mostly uses Twitter, which is explained by the nature of their actions (instantaneity) and their objective to reach out to politicians and journalists. Indeed, Twitter is considered as a political-journalistic sphere in Belgium. On the contrary, Tout autre chose mostly uses Facebook in order to mobilize people and enlarge participation. Internet creates a new public sphere that is more dynamic, diverse, decentralized and effective than the traditional public sphere; it allows more citizens to give their opinions (Benkler et al., 2013). But does it really lead to enlarging participation and improving democracy? More research is needed in order to examine whether ideas do indeed circulate better on the Web or whether they are locked in specific spheres (or bubbles; see Pariser, 2012). Another threat for the public sphere can come from the misuses of online tools, which may undermine democracy, as can be the case with algorithms (passive selective exposure) and Web propaganda.

This paper is an approach to the role of social movements in democratic societies and reflects on Colombian society. Though the social movements are not inherently democratic, they contribute to the democratization of the society and the political system, even if you assume minimalist definitions of democracy and even if they represent a minority or their demands are undemocratic. To develop this thesis, first, examines the struggle over the meaning of democracy exemplified in the student protests of 2011 year. Next, investigate the relationship between democracy and social movements from the concept of social movement. Then, it analyzes the relationship between democracy, governance and social movements. Finally, it examines some of the ways that movements can contribute to democracy and democratization from examples of Colombian political history. ; Este artículo realiza una aproximación al papel de los movimientos sociales en las sociedades democráticas reflexionando sobre la sociedad colombiana. Sostiene que si bien los movimientos sociales no son intrínsecamente democráticos, contribuyen a la democratización de la sociedad y el sistema político, aún si se asumen definiciones minimalistas de democracia e incluso si representan minorías o sus demandas son antidemocráticas. Para desarrollar esta tesis, en primer lugar, examina la lucha por el significado de la democracia ejemplificada en la protesta estudiantil de 2011. Luego, estudia la relación entre democracia y movimientos sociales a partir del concepto de movimiento social. Seguidamente, analiza la relación entre democracia, gobernabilidad y movimientos sociales. Finalmente, estudia algunas de las formas en que los movimientos pueden contribuir a la democracia y la democratización sirviéndose de algunos ejemplos de la historia política colombiana.

In the early 1980s many social theorists claimed that the 'New Social Move­ments' (NSMs) were the authentic social movements of our time. This claim is discussed in relation to two traditions in the analysis of social movements. The 'American' tradition focuses on the single-issue movement of a protest and mobilizing character. The 'European' tradition focuses on the relation between major societal changes and processes of class formation, the labour movement being the classic case. In the article the women's movement is discussed as a major cultural revolutionary movement, the different campaigns dealing with the new urban forms of socialized reproduction, housing, planning, etc., as movements for the defence of the 'real consumption'; the green and environmentalist movements taking up the conflicting relation nature-society. Is the relation between the NSMs and the new and growing social strata of students, and employees within the welfare state, which make up their audience and activist core, to be understood as a parallel to the part played by the 'old' social movements in the making of the working class, the farmer class, etc? It is argued that there is no 'necessary' relationship between the societal changes and the NSMs, as there was between industrialization and the labour movement. The societal relations and changes around which the NSMs organize themselves - gender contradictions, socialization of reproduction, con­tradictions in the forms of modern urban living, nature society - do not single out a new social force as their 'natural' counterpart. They are both more encompassing in their reach and more non-partisan in character. The most likely centre for a possible coalescence of a multitude of NSMs into a major social movement, if not in the class formative sense, is the societally basic relationship, nature-society. The themes and issues raised by the NSMs can in the political process become articulated with existing political and social forces. The capacity of these forces and institutions to absorb the issues raised by the NSMs deter­mines the possibility for the NSMs to emerge as a new major social force.

ABSTRACT: Social movements experience periods of intense activity and periods of abeyance, when collective action is very weak because of an inhospitable political climate. Non-democracies are extreme cases of hostile political environments for social movements. Drawing on a case study of the women's movement in Franco's Spain (mid-1930s to 1975) based on an analysis of published documents and 17 interviews, this paper argues that some non-democracies force social movements that existed prior to dictatorships into a period of abeyance and shape collective organizing in terms of location, goals, and repertoire of activities. Some social movements under prolonged non-democratic rule manage to link and transmit the aims, repertoire of activities, and collective identity of pre-dictatorship activists to those of post-dictatorship activists. This occurs mainly through cultural activities. ; This work was supported by the Commission of the European Communities (contract number FP6-CIT4-028746) and the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (grant number HAR2012-32539).