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The title of the article refers to P. Manent's essay, describing "the return of political philosophy". Using the distinction between science and art, suggested by thinkers such as J.S. Mill, an analysis was made of the possible responses of legal theory to the so-called "political turn" in social sciences and humanities. Attempts were made to show that transplanting such terms as "politics", "the political", "polity" (in the text they function under more theoretically neutral term: "politicalness") into the field of legal discourse leads to the rejection of the so far dominant (referring to the ideal of Ch. Montesquieu) image of the activity of lawyers as "artisans" practicing the art of law and to replacing it with the image of a lawyer-artists or lawyer-scientist. ; Tytuł artykułu nawiązuje do eseju P. Manenta, opisującego "powrót filozofii politycznej". Korzystając z rozróżnienia między nauką a sztuką, zaproponowanego przez J.S. Milla, dokonano analizy możliwych reakcji prawników i teorii prawa na wyraźny "zwrot polityczny" w naukach społecznych i humanistycznych. Starano się wykazać, że przeszczepienie takich terminów jak "polityka" i "polityczność" na grunt nauk prawnych prowadzi do odrzucenia dominującego dotąd (nawiązującego do ideału K. Monteskiusza) wyobrażenia działalności prawników jako "rzemieślników" uprawiających sztukę prawniczą oraz do zastąpienia go wyobrażeniem prawnika-artysty lub prawnika-naukowca.

The aim of this paper is to present the Frankfurt School's critique of mass culture. The authors particularly seek to demonstrate that critical theory provides a specific interpretation of Marxist philosophy, reinterprets some of its central economic and political notions such as production, distribution, fetishization, consumption and also attempts to illuminate the place and the role of culture industry within global culture. As a conclusion it is argued that the Frankfurt School's approach, while it is still useful to social science programs, tends to be overlooked by social theorists.

Celebrating the 100th anniversary of Poland's independence, representatives of various humanistic disciplines reflect on relations between the state. This article is about the proposal to understand democracy by representatives of personalism. Among the various concepts describing the "rule of the people" there is a one aimed at the person who is the subject of action, and the goal of this action is the common good. This article presents the proposal of three philosophers: E. Mounier, J. Maritain and J. Tischner. ; Obchodząc 100-lecie odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości przedstawiciele różnych dyscyplin humanistycznych podejmują refleksję na temat relacji łączących państwo. Artykuł ten jest głosem dotyczącym propozycji rozumienia demokracji przez przedstawicieli personalizmu. Wśród różnych koncepcji opisujących "rządy ludu" pojawia się projekt stawiający w celu osobę, która jest podmiotem działania, zaś celem tego działania jest dobro wspólne. Artykuł ten przedstawia propozycję trzech filozofów: E. Mouniera, J. Maritain oraz J. Tischnera.

Artykuł opisuje zjawisko "drapieżnych czasopism", przedstawia ich charakterystyczne cechy, takie jak spamowanie czy wykorzystywanie fałszywych metryk oraz opisuje spowodowane tym problemy przynoszące szkodę nauce. Drapieżne czasopisma często nie prowadzą rzetelnego procesu recenzyjnego, pozwalając na tworzenie pseudonauki pod pozorem prawdziwej nauki. Drapieżne czasopisma często mają fikcyjny zespół redakcyjny, nie są przejrzyste w kwestiach finansów oraz siedziby, zawierają plagiaty i publikują niemalże wszystko. Wydawcy drapieżnych czasopism zachowują się nieetycznie. W zakończeniu artykułu wskazane jest, jak można uniknąć bycia ofiarą drapieżnych czasopism oraz jak można walczyć z drapieżnymi czasopismami.

The article discusses the concept of value-based management adapted to the specificity of public cultural institutions. The adaptation process involves mainly the consideration of the advantages generated by cultural institutions and the application of a discount rate in social calculations. The presented concept makes it possible to assess the social rationale behind the activity of non-commercial cultural institutions. In order to explain the suggested solutions better, a numerical example illustrating the methodology covered in the paper has been used.

This paper describes the phenomenon 'predatory conferences', the characteristics of predatory conferences, and it describes the problems they cause for science. Predatory conferences fail to properly manage peer review, frequently have imaginary conference committee, do not operate any quality control, are unclear about payment requirements and about conference organizer or location. Towards the end of the paper it is discussed what can and should be done to eliminate or reduce the effects of predatory conferences.

Nowadays we observe the popularization of codes addressed to various social groups. It is reasonable to search for answers to questions about the conditions of their construction and the possibility of their practical use. This article presents a critical review of the literature in the field of positions specifically related to the issue of codification of professional ethics. In the first place the importance attributed to the concept of an ethical code and basic ethical positions are discussed. The rest of the paper contains an analysis of the supporters and opponents of codification standards arguments.

Today we observe popularization of elaboration of codes addressed to various social groups. However, it is reasonable to search for answers to questions about conditions of their design and possibilities of their practical use. This article aims to provide a critical review of the literature in the field of opinions specifically related to the issue of codification professional ethics. Article first describes meanings attributed to the concept of a code of ethics and basic ethical positions. Next review leads to a discussion on supporters and opponents arguments on codification standards.

The role and importance of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in solving global problems, developing human rights, democratic principles, reforms, modernizing public life and developing a global civil society is constantly increasing. INGOs have become new actors in the system of world politics and international relations. There was a need to study the activities of INGOs around the world in the field of history, law, sociology, philosophy, political science. In recent years, many INGOs have appeared in the world, and they work in all countries of the world in such priorities as ensuring human rights, freedom of speech, the economy, the social sphere, the environment, etc. Today, there is an increasing need for a comprehensive study of the activities of INGOs, trends in their increase in the number and rapid growth, influence on the domestic and foreign policies of states and in shaping the global political agenda. The emergence of global problems and the lack of strength and political will of some countries to solve them slow down the integration processes around the world. Especially, there is a need for cooperation in the issues of democratization, liberalization and modernization of public administration and public life. Therefore, today the role and participation of INGOs in solving such issues is increasing. An important result of INGO activity is constructivism and pragmatism.

Despite the growing attention of scholars studying the history of Polish women's movement in the 19th and 20th centuries as well as Polish women's lives and their autobiographical writing, there is still a significant number of female activists and authors who – despite their remarkable personality and/or pioneering work – met with little interest. One of those extraordinary women is Józefa Krzyżanowska-Kodis (1865–1940), one of the first Polish women to receive a doctorate in philosophy (from University of Zurich in 1893), a socialist, feminist, and co-founder of the Polish Section of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Although she was unsuccessful in her efforts to obtain a university position in the United States, Józefa Kodis (Kodisowa) was a passionate philosopher, as well as a social activist and publicist. The few scholarly pieces on her focused on her friendship with Carl Hauptmann. By contrast, the author proposes to have a closer look at the memoirs of Józefa and her daughter Zofia Kodis-Freyer and other archival sources in order to present the most important experiences, cultural and interpersonal constellations, and networks that shaped Kodisowa's biography and perspective on female emancipation, female-male relations, social (in)equality, and pacifism. ; Historia polskiego ruchu kobiecego w XIX i XX wieku, a także losy Polek i ich autobiografie przyciągają uwagę coraz liczniejszych badaczy i badaczek. Jednak wciąż istnieje spora grupa działaczek i autorek, które mimo swojej wybitnej osobowości i/lub pionierskich dokonań budzą co najwyżej ograniczone zainteresowanie. Do tego grona niezwykłych kobiet należy Józefa Krzyżanowska-Kodis (1865–1940), jedna z pierwszych Polek ze stopniem doktora filozofii (Uniwersytet w Zurychu, 1893), socjalistka, feministka oraz współzałożycielka Sekcji Polskiej Międzynarodowej Ligi Kobiet na rzecz Pokoju i Wolności. Józefa Kodis (Kodisowa), która zresztą bezskutecznie starała się o posadę uniwersytecką w Stanach Zjednoczonych, była pasjonatką ...

Despite the growing attention of scholars studying the history of Polish women's movement in the 19th and 20th centuries as well as Polish women's lives and their autobiographical writing, there is still a significant number of female activists and authors who – despite their remarkable personality and/or pioneering work – met with little interest. One of those extraordinary women is Józefa Krzyżanowska-Kodis (1865–1940), one of the first Polish women to receive a doctorate in philosophy (from University of Zurich in 1893), a socialist, feminist, and co-founder of the Polish Section of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Although she was unsuccessful in her efforts to obtain a university position in the United States, Józefa Kodis (Kodisowa) was a passionate philosopher, as well as a social activist and publicist. The few scholarly pieces on her focused on her friendship with Carl Hauptmann. By contrast, the author proposes to have a closer look at the memoirs of Józefa and her daughter Zofia Kodis-Freyer and other archival sources in order to present the most important experiences, cultural and interpersonal constellations, and networks that shaped Kodisowa's biography and perspective on female emancipation, female-male relations, social (in)equality, and pacifism. ; Historia polskiego ruchu kobiecego w XIX i XX wieku, a także losy Polek i ich autobiografie przyciągają uwagę coraz liczniejszych badaczy i badaczek. Jednak wciąż istnieje spora grupa działaczek i autorek, które mimo swojej wybitnej osobowości i/lub pionierskich dokonań budzą co najwyżej ograniczone zainteresowanie. Do tego grona niezwykłych kobiet należy Józefa Krzyżanowska-Kodis (1865–1940), jedna z pierwszych Polek ze stopniem doktora filozofii (Uniwersytet w Zurychu, 1893), socjalistka, feministka oraz współzałożycielka Sekcji Polskiej Międzynarodowej Ligi Kobiet na rzecz Pokoju i Wolności. Józefa Kodis (Kodisowa), która zresztą bezskutecznie starała się o posadę uniwersytecką w Stanach Zjednoczonych, była pasjonatką ...

The popularisation of code elaboration addressed to various social groups is one of the features of the modern world. However, among researchers of this phenomenon a full consensus on the moral validity and usefulness of this activity does not exist. The article closely reviews the literature with regard to the reasons for the creation of a moderate position on the codification of ethical standards. The essay brings closer the main concepts of ethical codes and positions for their adoption and rejection. Attention is paid to ways of increasing the effectiveness of codes and the ethical decision-making procedure in a manner that undermines supporters and opponents of codification approaches.

This paper is an analysis of mediation, in which special focus was put on the creativity of individuals in the world of social meanings. The typology of mediation participants and the ways in which they build a situation is presented, including: (i) types of social relations in advisory situations as described by Alicja Kargulowa; (ii) Roger Fisher's, William Ury's and Bruce Patton's method of negotiations; and (iii) the work by Kenneth L. Thomas and Ralph H. Kilmann in which the relation between negotiators and the purpose of mediation, or the attitude of negotiators to its purpose and other participants of a conflict situation have been taken into account. This different approach to mediation allows the reader to see other aspects of the procedure. Contrary to the criminal trial, the vision of mediation presented here reveals that the settlement arrived at by the parties is not the only benefit of the procedure, as it does not only focus on facts but also on relationships and the interests of the parties.Looking at the process of mediation through the prism of the negotiating parties may be an inspiration and raise awareness. It also serves to ensure openness to the philosophy of restorative justice. ; W artykule podjęto analizę mediacji, eksponując indywidualną kreatywność jednostki w świecie znaczeń społecznych. Przedstawiono typologię uczestników mediacji i ich sposobów budowania sytuacji. Autorka pokazuje typy uczestników, uwzględniając: (1) sposoby nawiązywania rodzajów stosunków społecznych w sytuacjach poradniczych opisanych przez Alicję Kargulową; (2) metody negocjowania wyróżnione przez Rogera Fishera, Williama Ury'ego, Bruce'a Pattona oraz (3) opracowanie Kennetha L. Thomasa and Ralpha H. Kilmanna uwzględniające stosunek negocjatorów do celu i innych osób w sytuacji konfliktowej. Pokazanie odmiennego od prezentowanych dotychczas obrazu mediacji zwraca uwagę na inne niż prawne aspekty mediacji w sprawach karnych. Przedstawiona wizja mediacji pozwala dostrzec, że spisana przez strony ugoda nie jest jedyną korzyścią ze stosowania tej procedury, która w przeciwieństwie do procesu sądowego koncentruje się nie tylko na faktach, lecz także na relacjach i interesach działających i kształtujących przebieg interakcji stron. Być może spojrzenie na przebieg procesu mediacji przez pryzmat negocjujących stron konfliktu stanie się inspiracją czy będzie służyć uwrażliwieniu i otwarciu na filozofię sprawiedliwości naprawczej.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific goal of the article is to analyze traffic safety policy, in a problem-chronological perspective, as part of the Swedish "welfare state" model, with particular emphasis on internal political and social factors.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In exploring the issues of road safety in Sweden, the author used a functionalist approach to examine the relationship of political forces affecting their shape. The genetic method has allowed to mention qualitative factors that are the foundations of Swedish policy. Institutional and normative approach with regard to the characteristics of decision-making processes, law-making processes resulted in a system analysis in line with the theoretical model proposed by David Easton. Each stage of the legislative process has been followed – from the change initiative to the entry intoforce of the "Vision Zero". The method of content analysis and the institutional and legal method served to illustrate the role that it has for Sweden for 20 years.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Ensuring broadly understood, multi-tasked road traffic safety is today a prerequisite for harmonious economic and social development of the country (for example, due to the cost of treatment of accident victims, but also the legitimacy of authority, whose task is to ensure safety).RESEARCH RESULTS: The necessity of introducing a nationwide road safety strategy was convinced by all the groups that sat in the Swedish parliament in 1997 (as evidenced by its voting through acclamation). The consolidation attitude of many social groups, institutions and individual road users, promoted by the Vision Zero, resulted in considerable successes. First of all, the number of fatalities in road accidents in 1997-2012 dropped by 48%. At the same time, the number of people who suffered minor injuries in the same period as a result of road accidents has increased. This testifies to the correct decisions of Swedish strategists who were already well aware in 1997 that it is impossible to eliminate accidents as such (which is why they focused on reducing the most tragic effects).CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The Vision of Zero, which is now a general philosophy of approach to road safety issues in Sweden, thanks to its efficiency and effectiveness has become not only a source of pride on the part of the Swedes themselves. Few (Sweden's population for the first time reached a ceiling of 10 million inhabitants in January 2017), although the very innovative Swedish society developed an innovative model of cooperation between private and public sector entities as well as every single user of transport infrastructure that contributed to the radical decline the number of accidents resulting in death or serious injury. Thus, once again, the descendants of the Vikings became a role model for other nations – both among European Union countries and on a global scale.