Suchergebnisse

Extrait : ""La méthode historique est la méthode employée pour constituer l'histoire; elle sert à déterminer scientifiquement les faits historiques, puis à les grouper en un système scientifique. Il semble donc au premier abord, tant qu'on reste dans la logique formelle, qu'il existe une science spéciale, l'histoire, que cette science étudie une certaine catégorie de faits, les faits historiques, et qu'elle les étudie par une méthode appropriée à la nature de ces faits ... ""À PROPOS DES ÉDITIONS LIGARANLes éditions LIGARAN proposent des versions numériques de qualité de grands livres de la lit

From an analysis of the Habermasian argumentation carried out in his work "Knowledge and Interest" of 1968, which we worked on from the 1987 translation; and anchored in the works of the Brazilian philosophers Durão, published in his book "A crítica de Habermas à dedução transcendental de Kant" of 1996 and Hansen, in his article published in Revista Crítica, entitled "Os riscos da crítica da sociedade" of 1998, we reflect, in this article, about how Habermas rescues the Theory of Knowledge from the distorted way behaved by Comtean positivism, passing through Freud and Marx to recover it as a Critical Theory of Society. We present the advent of the Information Age and the accompanying communication facilities to present the model of Distance Education as an effective way of extending the reach of Social Criticism as a self-reflection that makes the knowledge as a critical instrument not only for the individual but also of society.

International audience ; In France, thestructuring of the social and Solidarity Economy (ESS) is the result of two long-term dynamics: the consolidation of a Historical Social Economy (ESH), composed of large cooperatives, associations and mutuals, throughout the 20th century; the emergence, during the 1970s-2000, of a New Social Economy (NES) composed above all of new generation cooperatives and associations.Social Political Economy (SPE) refers to the two thought currents attached to ESH and NES, whose legitimacy is based on a convergence of their academic production and institutional recognition.The process of isomorphism-banalisation, which over the decades has affected companies adjacent to the cooperative, mutellist and associationist movements, has been helped by the gradual erosion of the key principles of SPE (non-profit-making, dual quality, free membership, democratic governance).Employer associations have thus been exposed in recent years to the rapid diffusion-extension of entrepreneurial and managerial standards.The State promotes a new tutelary/competitive order through the dissemination of control-evaluation rules and the introduction of public quasi-markets.This evolution corresponds to a transmutation of SPE, which reveals the attributes of a Social Business Economy(SBE).Constituting a third sector distinct from the market-capitalist economy and the public economy, SBEhas been confirmed by the creation of a Nonprofit Sector composed of non-profit organizations (NPOs).NPOs are mainly employer associations in France.Starting from the economic Market and State failures, neo-institutionalist theory provides rational explanations for the presence of private non-profit organizations with a social/societal vocation.A similar theoretical argument highlights the institutional failures of NPOs, leading to a renewed conception of Social Business Economy (SBE)and the emergence of the socialfirm category.Therefore, the purpose of our contribution is to examine the model of the social firm in relation to SBE.This perspective leads to the presentation of different social enterprise figures as possible variations.Our approach leads to the complex transformations analysis of the Social Political Economy into a Social Business Economy. ; En France, la structuration de l'économie sociale et solidaire (ESS) résulte de deux dynamiques de longue période: la consolidationd'une économie sociale historique (ESH), composée de coopératives, d'associations et de mutuelles de grande taille,tout au long du XXèmesiècle; l'émergence, au cours des années 1970-2000, d'une nouvelle économie sociale (NES) composée avant tout de coopératives et d'associations de nouvelle génération.L'économie sociale politique (ESP)se réfère aux deux courants de pensée attachés à l'ESH età la NES, dont la légitimité prend appui sur une convergence de leur production académique et unereconnaissance institutionnelle.Le processus d'isomorphisme-banalisation, qui a touché au fil des décenniesles entreprises attenantes aux mouvements coopérativiste, mutelliste et associationiste,s'est accompagnéde l'effacement progressif des principes clés de l'ESP(non lucrativité, double qualité, libre adhésion, gouvernance démocratique). Les associations employeurs sont ainsi exposées ces dernières années à la diffusion-extension rapide des normes entrepreneuriales et gestionnaires. L'Etat promeut un nouvel ordre tutélaire/concurrentiel par la diffusion de règles de contrôle-évaluation et l'instauration dequasi-marchés publics. Cette évolution correspond à une transmutation de l'ESP, qui laisse transparaitre les attributs d'une économie sociale d'entreprise(ESE). Constitutive d'un troisième secteur distinct de l'économie marchande-capitaliste et de l'économie publique, l'ESEs'est affirmée parla constitution d'un Nonprofit Sectorcomposé d'organisations à but non lucratif (OBNL). Les OBNL s'avèrent pour l'essentiel en France des associations employeurs.Partant des défaillances économiques du Marché et de l'Etat, la théorie néo-institutionnalistefournit des explications rationnelles à la présence d'organisations privées non lucratives à vocation sociale / sociétale. Un argumentairethéorique de la même veine fait ressortir les défaillances institutionnelles des OBNL, conduisant à une conception renouvelée del'économie sociale d'entreprise (ESE) et l'émergence de la notiondefirme sociale. Aussi, l'objet de notre contribution est-ild'interroger le modèle de la firme sociale au regard de l'économie sociale d'entreprise (ESE).Cette mise en perspective conduit à présenter différentes figures d'eentreprise sociale comme déclinaisons possibles. Notredémarche permet de déboucher sur une analyse fouillée des transformationscomplexesde l'économie sociale politique en économie sociale d'entreprise

The book presents three articles written from the conferences that Boaventura de Sousa Santos performed at the University of Buenos Aires – Social Sciences Faculty. The issues adressed on each chapter concern topics related to ethics and politics in contemporary societies, as well as the social relations implied on these themes. The growning inequalities among developed and third world countries, as well as local, regional and global relations are presented by the author in order to renew critical theory and to plunge into the political discussion through knowledge production and dissemination. ; O livro reúne três seminários desenvolvidos por Boaventura de Sousa Santos na Faculdade de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Buenos Aires sobre questões relativas à ética e à política nas sociedades contemporâneas. Visando transformar as relações sociais implicadas nas crescentes disparidades existentes entre os países centrais e os periféricos, o autor discute questões locais, regionais e de caráter global no intuito de renovar a teoria crítica e aprofundar a luta política progressista visando a transformação social por meio da produção de conhecimento.

Esse artigo tem o objetivo de apresentar a Teoria Sócio-Cognitiva aplicada ao contexto do desenvolvimento de carreira e ilustrar suas aplicações em pesquisas realizadas em diferentes contextos. O foco do artigo residiu na explanação de variáveis importantes para a realização da escolha profissional, que auxiliam na motivação para a realização deste comportamento. Foram abordados os elementos pessoais, contextuais e de aprendizagem que auxiliam na formação das crenças de auto-eficácia e das expectativas de resultado que, conseqüentemente, influenciam a formação dos interesses profissionais, considerados elementos essenciais na motivação para a escolha de áreas profissionais específicas. Com base na revisão da literatura da área, verificou-se que esse referencial foi replicado em populações de diferentes etnias, de variadas fases do desenvolvimento vocacional, em estudos transversais e longitudinais, com pessoas de ambos os sexos e de níveis sócio-econômicos distintos. Desse modo, destaca-se a utilidade desde modelo para a compreensão da tomada de decisão no âmbito vocacional.

How to explain variations in the level of donation in comparable countries? In all industrialized countries, the economic crisis of the 1980s encouraged the search for alternatives to the welfare state by encouraging third sector organizations to play a greater role in a partnership for the definition and implementation of public policies.Among Third sector organizations, philanthropic foundations provide a legal framework that allows people who wish to carry out acts of generosity by allocating a part of their personal wealth in the form of gift, for the purpose of general interest. Giving can be considered as a concrete expression of the cooperation between citizens for the common good.All democratic countries try to promote giving. The conventional explanations of the variation in level of gift among developed countries do not consider the gift as a social fact. We argue that the level of giving can't be explained by the sum of individual gifts that each respond to personal motives but by the state of the society whose cohesion is determined to both by the presence of social capital and the representation of identities.Social capital can be understood as " relationships, networks and norms that facilitate collective action." Social capital refers to relations that individuals establish them in social networks and the norms of reciprocity that arise from these relationships.This thesis is focused, first, on the level of social capital in economically developed countries and secondly on the meaning of the gift as a mode of representation of identity. It helps define social capital theory by highlighting the close relationship that unites the concept of the gift and hence the construction of identities.This analysis of the relationship between gift, identity ans social capital has direct implications for research in the field of civil society. Civil society is presented from two different perspectives. The first perspective, in a North American tradition, determines the Third sector to the sole condition of "non ...

From the point of view of critical theory and social criticismo the idea of ​​progress seems to be established in an ambivalence: on the one hand, the postulates of Amy Alllen started an "Aufklärung" of the conception of progress ( which I call the "negative" conception) and its possible unfolding to a critical theory as well as for social criticismo; in contrast, the conception of progress can be understood as a "positive way" in which it is guided by the constitutive scope of a critical theory by embodying, for example, the social justice as a social-normative medium to the process of emancipation. Taking into account the aforementioned assertions, I will take up, in this research, the core of the conception of progress in Amy Allen (1) in order to interpose a "positive" idea. In this sense, I will take as a social-institutional and empirical reference the public policy of the 'Mais IDH' social program (More HDI), which is constituted both as a response to the concept of progress in Amy Allen and as a possible condition for the realization of social justice (understood as the minimum conditions of existence) (2).

Os desenvolvimentos teóricos recentes da Teoria Crítica têm passado ao largo da preocupação com a pesquisa social - seja pela pouca importância dada ao "teste" empírico das ideias teóricas, seja pela ausência de estímulo a novos projetos de pesquisa empírica no campo da Teoria Crítica. Essa tendência implica uma importante "mudança" teórica em relação ao antigo programa dialético da Teoria Crítica proposto por Max Horkheimer na década de 1930. O artigo ressalta algumas dificuldades atinentes à articulação produtiva entre teoria e pesquisa - com prejuízo, creio, para ambas, filosofia e ciências sociais.

The normative basis of the republican conception of justice is freedom as non-domination. This concept of political freedom comprises social relations in equality of power. Non-domination represents the social condition of not being submissive to the capacity of arbitrary interference of others. Republican freedom presupposes the development of human capabilities in their fullness. The potential for human capacity development must be protected by the legal structure of the State. The State has the function of equating the differences of individuals' assets and resources with their institutional structure. It acts to offer the necessary conditions, rights and basic liberties, to individuals in their social and political life. The Republican perspective of Philip Pettit leads to the normative deduction of republican liberty and to demonstrating that the theory of justice has to presuppose the resources necessary for the development of human life in its condition of equality and freedom. The democratic structuring of society presupposes the establishment of social relations that are characterized by the social status of non-domination.

The great challenge for neoclassical paradigms is whether its methodological individualism is capable of coming to grips with the collective or social nature of information. Arrow's subtle observation regarding the increasing returns to communication is one of those peculiarities which contradicts the concept of scarcity of information. Bounded rationality is another example. While remaining faithful to methodological individualism of standard economic theory, Arrow describes information as a specific non-ordinary commodity, revealing the limits of imperfections of market and entering into the general category of externalities. He sets forth some fundamental principles of the economics of information and the new microeconomics by focusing on issues such as information gathering, communication efficiency, and transmission costs in deciding among forms of economic organization. In our critical review of Arrow's theory of information, we endeavor to show that despite its great achievements, this theory does not capture the tacit, institutionalized, unexpected, and non-rational dimensions of knowledge. The organizational or corporate culture cannot be derived from market failure. It is the direct outcome of internal organization of the firm and other social networks, and thus closely related to learned and transmitted knowledge in a group context.

The Social Construction of a Perfect Market.
The computerized market in Fontaines-en-Sologne, which distributes part of the region's high-quality strawberry crop, is equippedwith advanced technology designed to ensure that market trading takes place in conditions very close to those which correspond to realization of the model of pure, perfect competition described in economic theory. Study of the social conditions of the creation and functioning of this market shows, however, that this perfect correspondence with theory is the pure product of an economic and social construction performed by a certain number of agents with convergent interests, and that it is the economic theory itself which served as a direct frame of reference in the setting-up of each detail of this market, particularly in the definition of the space and the regulations which obtain within it.

The aim of this work is to read the history of the French welfare state in the light of the theory of a predatory state. An approach to social protection taken by the State in which protection is an instrument of predation is opposed to an approach described as 'Social' dominated by a 'welfare' society and focused on the self-governance of individuals. The welfare state is the culmination of modern mass war and social policy (in particular population policy) is geared towards the needs of war. However, although it is in part the result of the war, social protection also has its roots in France's assertion of a good being borne by the citizens themselves and not by the State. The origins of this French exception date back to the municipality of 1871 and continue with the creation of the general social security system in 1945/1946. It will be shown that the whole history of the French welfare state is to regain ownership of the self-managed citizen's well-being through a process of reforms initiated from 1947 onwards. This astonishing movement for the welfare community, in addition to being a depository of the political power of self-government of citizens, has been accompanied by the merchandising of social policies. ; Ce travail a pour objet de relire l'histoire de l'Etat providence français à la lumière de la théorie d'un Etat prédateur. On oppose une approche de la protection sociale portée par l'Etat où la protection est un instrument de la prédation à une approche qualifiée de « La sociale » dominée par un « citizen welfare » et axée sur un auto gouvernement des individus. L'Etat providence est l'aboutissement de la guerre de masse moderne et la politique sociale (notamment la politique de population) est orientée vers les besoins de la guerre. Cependant bien qu'elle soit en partie le résultat de la guerre, la protection sociale trouve aussi ses racines en France dans l'affirmation d'un bien être porté par les citoyens eux-mêmes et non par l'Etat. Les origines de cette exception française remontent à la ...

Ernest Gellner, La théorie de l'Histoire : Est et Ouest.
Cet essai tente de dégager la nature des divergences existant entre la vision occidentale et la vision marxiste soviétique de l'histoire. Je pense qu'une théorie occidentale de l'histoire est en train de se cristalliser et qu'elle est matérialiste dans sa typologie de base mais pas dans sa théorie. Elle n'a pas de théorie « consensuelle », mais sa Fragestellung est matérialiste bien qu'elle ne préjuge pas de la nature de la réponse qui doit être proposée. Mais je ne prétends pas que ce point de vue est partagé, même tacitement, par la majorité des chercheurs en sciences sociales et des historiens occidentaux. Beaucoup professent un idéalisme sémantique, en grande partie anti-théorique, du genre que j'ai rapidement esquissé. Un nombre encore plus grand d'entre eux, surtout parmi les historiens, sont non-théoriques ou anti-théoriques et sont enclins à considérer toute recherche d'une théorie générale de l'histoire comme contraire aux usages de la profession. De nombreux philosophes partent aussi de l'hypothèse que le contexte historique comme la théorie n'ont rien à voir avec leurs propres recherches.