Public funds should play important role in rationalization of the social security system as they allow greater control over expenses redistribution and thus over changes in society. However, as the rule of parainsurance is not followed while creating public funds, one cannot hope for public support for fiscal burdens and for diminishing political influence on the tax collection for social expenses and social expenses itself. The lack of public support should not limit possibilities of using public funds to rationalize public finances, particularly social security.
The article presents a review focusing on key issues discussed within the disciple of moral education. It is regarded as a subsystem of education policy, and in a wider sense, public policy. It shows the main phenomenon, trends, ongoing discussions as well as conceptual disputes in two Anglo-Saxon countries as well as in Poland. The type and content of the article results from the fact that the Polish scientific literature almost lacks the texts dedicated to moral education. This kind of issues is partially analysed with pedagogy but its conceptual frame is different from that of public policy. The latter is focused on the school perspective and its potential to influence students' attitudes and values.
The article is a review of ways of thinking and concepts available in the literature that are the basis for creating school syllabi of moral education. It describes what axiological and anthropological assumptions and psychological theories those syllabi are based on and analyses selected studies that evaluate their effectiveness and impact on the moral formation of young people.
The subject of the debate was the main elements of the reform in the way higher education functions, implemented from October 2019. The background of the reform was discussed, including the historical and mental conditions of the academic community, and then the reform programming phase (e.g. consultation procedures), the phase of implementing changes (including the issue of adjusting the publication of regulations) and the sphere of new or additional incentives were discussed. which introduced new regulations into academic life (e.g. new rules for obtaining points by scholars for publications, new evaluation rules to which universities are subject, rules for creating statutes).
The educational reform designed by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (the Law and Justice political party) fits in a pattern of the previous Polish reforms, primarily due to the way they were introduced. The political rather than substantive factors determine their design, they are introduced too hastily, and the appointed experts are treated as an embellishment. This mode of operation is characteristic not only of Poland. The researchers cited in the text (J. Nelson, M. S. Archer, N. Luhmann) indicate its root causes and limited effectiveness. The state remains the most important player in shaping the educational system despite the attempts to reduce its influence on education under neo-liberal policies. However, the current analysis of its limited effectiveness should lay the foundations for a policy, which would take into account the need to reckon with the interests of other actors as well as to develop a long-term strategy.
The aim of the article is to take a broader look at the current situation related to the implementation of 5G technology in Poland from a social perspective. The analysis was conducted in a broader context – Poles' attitudes towards science and technology as well as their knowledge about modern technologies. In addition to an analysis of the literature on the subject, the article will present the results of two parallel studies conducted using three research methods: the focus method, in-depth expert interviews and a questionnaire conducted on the basis of direct interviews at respondents' homes. The article reflects on, inter alia, questions about the attitudes of Poles to the development of science and technology, in particular to 5G technology, and whether the development of modern technologies is a cause of social anxiety among Poles. Research on the social perception of the 5G network in Poland shows that Poles are not familiar with 5G technology. Their ignorance results from poorly conducted technological education, insufficient public information provided by state authorities, public distrust of the authorities as an unreliable source of information, and the hermetic language used by telecommunications specialists. The disinformation aimed at delaying the implementation of this technology in Europe, also being related to the war over 5G technology between the United States and China, has a great impact on the negative perception of the 5G technology in Polish society.
Social cooperatives in the function of social enterprises are classified as a group of employers of the open labour market. In view of their specific functioning they prepare and offer some work places to people being away from the labour market. The article attempts to characterize and evaluate the existing funding opportunities for social economy enterprises in Poland on the example of social cooperatives of legal entities in the context of the development of social economy in the area of social policy understood as one of the components of public policy. This article is a review of the current scientific literature in the field of social entrepreneurship and current legislation on social cooperatives. The presented data suggests that currently, social cooperatives have various forms and sources of financing for their activities. They operate in the sphere of public utilities, filling the gap in the provision of publicly available services which cannot be filled by free market entities or state institutions. Their activity is financed mainly from own funds, which can be supplemented with financial support from the state budget or a local government unit as well as bank loans and the European Union fund.
The aim of the paper is to measure the efficiency and productivity of public administration in higher education using the DEA method and the Malmquist index. The research was carried out in 58 higher education institutions of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education in the years 2014-2017. The obtained efficiency results oscillate around 70%. The most effective were pedagogical universities and the least agricultural universities. However, the highest productivity growth was recorded in 2015/2016 in technical universities.
The article relates to the situation in the Polish education, where moral education is taught as two school subjects: either religious education or ethics. Although the subjects are in direct competition, essentially, they relate to the same curriculum content. The author distinguishes moral upbringing from moral education, by assuming that the upbringing is carried out mainly at home, whereas the school's aim is to support the skills of making moral choices by the young generation. Therefore, the school cannot be blamed for pupils' moral condition because it is shaped by the home environment, which is understood in a wide sense here.
The article presents the concept of strategic planning adapted to the realities of social assistance and attempts to prove that this concept significantly affects the demand for research on local social problems that is carried out in local social assistance institutions. This increasingly significant activity, mainly concerning diagnosing and forecasting, influences both the identification of new tasks of social welfare and, consequently, new elements of its organizational structures, which were called local laboratories for research on social policy in the title of the article, and the need to delegate these tasks to specialists in social policy.
This paper focuses on the opportunities and challenges of the Polish education system for people with disabilities. To support academic education process, the task of the university is to create conditions which will allow students with disabilities to gain higher education. This will be a step forward into accommodating and participating in social and, most importantly, professional life. The theoretical part presents the institutional and legal conditions of the inclusive education policy, including a comparative analysis of the current legislation and Act 2.0. In the practical part, the model of the support system is presented as a case study on the example of a selected university. The conclusion contains suggestions and recommendations regarding planned legal changes.
The article discusses the Norwegian response to the neoliberal movement of privatising public education. Neoliberal trends in public services, including education, mainly manifest themselves in the affirmation of the economic efficiency in public services provision, increased participation of private and non-governmental organisations and the creation of quasi-markets. In Norway likewise in other Scandinavian countries the reform of public sector has not been strongly influenced by neoliberal ideology and the New Public Management. On the other hand, it was the political decentralisation and empowerment of local communities that shaped the organisation and management of the school system. The primary aim of the Norwegian education is to ensure equality and inclusion for all students, regardless of their gender, abilities, family background, nationality and health condition. !e article presents the historical path of public and non-public schooling in Norway illustrated by the statistical data concerning kindergartens, schools and pupils respectively. The central and local government still provides the vast majority of public education services and the non-public sector remains limited. Nevertheless in the last 10 years the rise in the number of private schools has been noticed, especially in bigger cities and more affluent dwellings. In its final part the article presents the recent developments in the privatisation policy conducted by the conservative government in Norway. It deliberates postulates relating to modification of administrative procedures leading to the establishment of private schools, widening the school choice for parents as well as diversification of the teachers' professional status. It also sketches examples of the utilisation of private-public partnerships in construction and operationof public schools.
The article discusses the condition of civil society in contemporary Serbia, with special emphasis on the relations between its representatives and the authorities (both at the local and state level). The main objective of the analyses is to answer the question of the position of the civil sector within Serbia's broadly understood political system. What role do both formal non-governmental organizations and grassroots non-institutionalized social movements play in this relatively young democracy? What is the attitude of the authorities to grassroots civil activities, which often manifest criticism towards the decisions and actions of those in power? These questions will constitute the central axis of my considerations in this article. The research problem indicated above is analysed on two essential levels. Firstly, the article discusses existing studies and research on the nature of civil society in Serbia and the ways in which it functions. Secondly, the author analyses the results of qualitative research carried out at the late 2018 and early 2019 among representatives of Serbian civil movements and organizations. The conclusions stemming from these analyses are presented in the final part of the article. The analyses carried out indicate the problems that face the civil sector in Serbia. First and foremost, one should draw attention to the authorities' rather negative view of the civil sector. What is also noteworthy is an extended network of connections of the authorities with the private sector as well as with right-wing, nationalist, pro-government organizations. These circumstances to a large extent hinder or even preclude dialogue (and further cooperation) between public and civil institutions.
