Suchergebnisse

Introdução: Esse trabalho surge das ações de pesquisa e reflexões suscitadas no âmbito atividades do Projeto "Práticas Agroecológicas no Pontal do Paranapanema (SP)", financiado pelo CNPq/MDA, e coordenado pelo professor Antonio Thomaz Junior. Os modelos produtivos desenvolvidos e/ou em desenvolvimento no campo, atualmente, são reflexos do pacote tecnológico conhecido como "Revolução Verde". Historicamente verificamos que cresceu o interesse por parte das grandes empresas agroindustriais em alavancar a modernização das formas produtivas, amparadas, pois, na prerrogativa da necessidade de atender a demanda externa. Assim, novas técnicas e procedimentos de controle do trabalho são implementados nas atividades agroindustriais, daí a intensificação do uso de maquinários agrícolas e utilização de insumos químicos, que cada vez mais substituem as formas convencionais/tradicionais de produção. Metodologia/Desenvolvimento. A agroecologia tem se apresentado como uma alternativa para os camponeses resistir às investiduras do capital agroindustrial, criando condições de trabalho e vida para manter-se no campo e sob o controle dos mecanismos de sua reprodução social e familiar. Pensa em mudanças no modelo produtivo imposto no campo nos dias de hoje é considerar que os agentes dificultadores se apresentam com diversas faces, de diversas maneiras. As atividades monocultoras têm expandido cada vez mais seus imites, e em alguns casos, como o do Assentamento Guarani, no município de Sandovalina, e o Assentamento Paulo Freire no município de Mirante do Paranapanema, ambos no estado de São Paulo, as lavouras de cana-de-açúcar têm estão "engolindo" os assentamentos, de tal forma e intensidade que seu limite se faz com a porteira de entrada da propriedade. Diante destas condições, o produção familiar fica a mercê dos impactos causados pelas atividades desenvolvidas nas lavouras de cana-de-açúcar como, por exemplo, a pulverização aérea de insumos químicos, altamente tóxicos, recurso esse utilizado cada vez mais pelas unidades agroindustriais canavieiras. Outro aspecto que se apresenta como impedimento para uma produção agroecológica são as possibilidades de comercialização da produção, que embora alguns programas criados pelo governo vem contribuindo para isso, como o Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA), há ainda uma grande dificuldade com comercializar o que é produzido nas pequenas propriedades, principalmente quando olhamos para o escoamento desta produção e os preços oferecidos por elas. Considerações finais: Movido por critérios econômicos, o modelo de produção hoje praticado vislumbra a exportação, desconsiderando assim as reais necessidades e demandas alimentares da população, a agroecologia traz consigo a Soberania Alimentar, e pretende assim, oferecer condições que possibilitem ao pequeno agricultor desenvolver sua produção com possibilidade de comercialização local, produção de alimentos livres de agrotóxicos e respeito ao meio ambiente. Acreditamos ser a agroecologia uma importante alternativa para o enfrentamento das urdiduras do capital, e de reprodução familiar para o campesinato.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to examine the components of a gang culture in conflict with society, and second, to explore how gangs, the community, and law enforcers externalize the gang problem from the vantage point of worldview and worldmaking.Design/methodology/approach– The researcher gathered news articles from the Nexus-Lexis research database system within a one-year period (from February 2012 to February 2013). The data was randomly selected and representative of newspapers published throughout the USA. The news articles were coded based upon the aspects of culture (lens of perception, motives for human behaviors, criteria for evaluation, basis of identification, means for communication, justification for social stratification, and mode for production and consumption). A thematic analysis was also conducted to determine: the aspects of gang culture in conflicts with society; and how the gangs, the community, and the law enforcements externalize the gang conflict.Findings– Results suggest that gang violence is largely due to issues of identity, values, and gang cohesiveness rather than the result of the pathologically based environmental conditions. Criteria for evaluation and issue of identity constituted 66 percent of the violent conflict with society. In the context of worldviews and worldmaking, gang members and law enforcement personnel are more likely to adopt a rigid, win-lose framework while members of the community are more likely to prescribe to a flexible and holistic perspective toward the gang problem. In sum, gang violence is not necessarily a deviant or antisocial act; rather, it is a result of the conflicting narratives between the gang cultures and the culture-at-large.Research limitations/implications– In dissecting gang behavior from a cultural perspective, it is easy to categorize gangs as a collective subculture. However, gang members may not view themselves as a subculture nor consider themselves as belonging to a subculture community.Practical implications– By examining the function of culture – in this case, the gang culture – as it conflicts with society at large, one may better able to develop an action plan that emphasize identities, cultures, and values rather than crime and punishment. Also, it may help shed light on how the various stakeholders (i.e. the gangs, law enforcements, and the community) perceive the conflict, which may assist researcher to develop a comprehensive and holistic approach toward intervention. Finally, implementing a culturally based gang violence intervention may reduce cost.Originality/value– This research is unique in that it analyzes the function of gang violence in relation to the society-at-large. Also, the research addresses the issue as to how the various stakeholders interpret the "gang problem." Finally, this research is innovative in that it employs news articles as units of analysis rather than the traditional qualitative interviews or quantitative surveys.

SUMMARY: The article surveys the practices of receiving academic degrees by different groups of state officials and by other representatives of nonacademic spheres in Ukraine and Moldova. To conceptualize them, the author suggests the model of neopatrimonial science. He traces neopatrimonial patterns of power/knowledge to the Soviet past. The social aspect of neopatrimonial science is explained by the credential nature of post-Soviet societies, while its political aspect derives from the existing type of political regime. The largest case analyzed in the article deals with heads of the regional administrative units in Ukraine who received their academic degrees between 1991 and 2013. The author establishes a connection between gender, science, and the political regime and makes sense of this connection by analyzing 7,000 Candidate of Sciences and Doctor of Sciences dissertations defended in Ukraine and Moldova in fields such as history, political science, sociology, and government administration. Ultimately, he defines "neopatrimonial science" as a system of meaningful and perfomative interactions of academic scholars with representatives of business and power. This interaction is determined by the basic characteristics of the neopatrimonial political regime. As a system, it is defined by (a) the special selection of [leading] actors who possess (b) a special type of [practical] motivation derived from (c) the patrimonial character of their position. This creates the potential for (d) accumulating academic capital by means of getting control over administering it. As a consequence, (e) the stress is placed not on preparation and competence, but on belonging to the most successful political/business regional elite. В статье рассматриваются практики получения научной степени различными группами чиновников и другими представителями невузовской среды в Украине и Молдове, что позволяет автору выделить особый и приобретающий все более масштабный характер феномен неопатримониальной науки. Его "историческое измерение" автор прослеживает в паттернах власти/знания советского прошлого. "Социальное измерение" он выводит из креденциалистского характера подавляющего большинства современных обществ ( credential society ), в том числе и постсоветских. Наконец, "политическое измерение" демонстрирует структурирующее воздействие на академическую жизнь нынешнего политического режима. Существование неопатримониальной науки устанавливается на основании исследования практик получения научной степени председателями областных советов и областных государственных администраций в Украине (1991–2013). Взаимосвязь гендера, науки и политического режима анализируется на примере почти семи тысяч кандидатских и докторских диссертаций по истории, социологии, политологии и государственному управлению в Украине и Молдове (1999–2012). Неопатримониальная наука определяется как система значимых взаимодействий академических исследователей, представителей бизнеса и власти, обусловленная или даже детерминированная в основных чертах сущностными характеристиками неопатримониального политического режима и носящая исключительно перформативный характер получения научной степени (и превращения ее в симулякр). Своеобразие неопатримониальной науки заключается (а) в специфическом контингенте (ведущих) акторов, обладающих (б) особым типом (практической) мотивации, основания которой (в) "вписаны" в вотчинный характер должностей, что (г) приводит к формированию научного капитала посредством административных средств управления последним, вследствие чего (д) значение приобретают не подготовка и компетенция, а принадлежность/близость к наиболее успешной в деле политизации бизнеса региональной элите.

La ciencia como generadora de nuevos horizontes del saber ha mutado desde diferentes perspectivas: relación, contexto, circunstancia, acción, orden, secuencia, objetividad, subjetividad y creencia. ¿Entonces, dónde comienza el hombre a imponer el contexto social con sus prejuicios como argumento para no continuar con su labor de comprender y explicar su realidad? ¿Acaso las deficiencias del conocimiento científico y su uso en la actualidad, no provocan planteamientos que no tienen respuestas, y por lo tanto son tópicos del desarrollo de la ciencia? Los fenómenos educativos son atendidos con vehemente reverencia, y quizás con una insolente protección a dañar constructos humanos, curriculares y hasta político-sindicales. Lo cual provoca que este campo, sea un residuo de una diacronía histórica, que alteran el proceso de sensaciones y percepciones que se tienen de él. Analizar una de las aristas de este sistema educativo –mutable y auto conservador- , es enfrentarse a las mismas fauces de una fiera, que no desea ser molestada, sin embargo, mi ambición cognitiva por el panorama de incertidumbre que cierne sobre él, es mayor, que me atreveré a ser irreverente e insolente. Los sistemas educativos son estructurados históricamente bajo un esquema piramidal, donde en la punta de la misma se ubica el órgano del poder; en este caso, los cuerpos directivos de las instituciones educativas formadoras de docentes. El orden y la relación con la que interactúan los elementos componentes del sistema educativo de educación normal en el Estado de México debe mutar, transformarse en el sentido estricto de instituciones de educación superior. Las escuelas normales deben abandonar el esquema organizacional y administrativo que las simula en el papel de escuelas primarias grandotas. Donde la verticalidad del sistema, sólo da cabida a la imposición y no a la reflexión. Si se desea un sistema innovador de educación en las instituciones formadoras de docentes, es necesario apostar a la gran actividad creativa humana, participar en la dinámica de conformar grupos de análisis y discusión, control colegiado del poder, intervenir en el entorno para aportar a la ciencia; las agrupaciones de individuos dentro del sistema se representan en ambientes sistémicos, los cuales se congregan bajo una estructura de órdenes particulares. Para desarrollar su función de forma eficiente el director de escuela normal, debe conocer la dinámica interna del grupo que conforma el personal a su cargo: su cohesión, su capacidad, la integración de sus miembros, los subgrupos y la relación con otros grupos. Para ello debe apoyarse en el manejo de la Teoría de conflictos. El director es un elemento clave para propiciar las condiciones favorables del ambiente escolar, lo que haga o deje de hacer conlleva a resultados concretos que fortalecen o disminuyen las condiciones necesarias para propiciar la competitividad académica de la institución. Su perfil profesional y constante actualización en esquemas de manejo de conflictos y liderazgo son sumamente importantes para una gestión equilibrada.

Abstract
Utopia has been one of the dominant ideas for many of the avant-garde movements that, since the enlightenment, have sought to use architectural means as part of a strategy to create an 'ideal' social order. If the utopian has lost its significance within the architecture of late capitalism, this article looks at ways in which that tradition is being maintained within the discourse of Science Fiction, where utopian concepts are bound to speculative engagements with new and imagined technologies. One of the most sustained recent attempts to develop and explore utopian ideas can be found in the science fiction novels and stories by Iain M. Banks set in the Culture. The Culture is a space-dwelling society developed by Banks over a series of nine full-length novels and a collection of short stories. The Culture is a technologically advanced post-scarcity civilization supervised by powerful Artificial Intelligences (AIs) called Minds and comprising trillions of 'humanoid' subjects living together with various forms of machine 'life' forms. In these stories, Iain M. Banks shows himself to be one of the most innovative writers on a possible future; while his writing is clearly fiction, it explicitly draws upon scientific, philosophical and political ideas, as well as extensive use of nanotechnology, genetic engineering and augmentation, augmented and virtual realities, and numerous forms of AI.
The article starts by mapping out a definition of science fiction with respect to Darko Suvin's 'novum' and the concept, developed by Frederic Jameson following Suvin, that the utopian is itself a sub-genre of science fiction, and goes on to suggest that some of the most significant speculative avant-garde architectures of the last 100 years should be considered 'as' full-blown works of science fiction. This argument is developed through an analysis of one of the most far-reaching and politically explicit utopian projects – Constant Nieuwenhuys' New Babylon, a society based on the concept of Homo Ludens and the use of automation that clearly shows the existence of a number of 'novum'. The final section of the article is a detailed examination of Banks' the Culture and shows how many of the themes of New Babylon reappear in Banks' Culture novels. The purpose of looking at Banks in detail is to see how he is exploring, albeit through fiction, ambitious spatial and cultural models predicated on a post-scarcity civilization, as part of a direct lineage from New Babylon, and how this is a direct response to the very problems that are facing contemporary society. The article concludes by arguing that if architecture is to re-invigorate itself in the twenty-first century it needs to embrace its links to speculative discourses such as science fiction.

The former literary scholar Grigory Chkhartishvili, now better known as the popular Russian detective writer under the pen name Boris Akunin, who is also a visible figure in the ranks of the Russian liberal opposition, in 2013 started the ambitious project of writing a multivolume history of Russia. Akunin announces his History of the Russian State as an alternative to the new mandatory history textbook currently under preparation by a group of professional historians on the request of President Vladimir Putin. According to Akunin, what sets his history of Russia apart from histories done by competitors is its objectivity: as he explains, he just wants to describe the past "as it actually happened." Turning to the first volume of Akunin's History of the Russian State published in the fall of 2013, Ilya Gerasimov does not discuss its merits as a history study, for it is beyond any professional criticism: Akunin is a pulp fiction writer, whose idea of historical craft corresponds to the standards of the 1820s or 1830s. Rather, Gerasimov uses this opportunity to discuss the influential "canon of Russian history" shared by both "conservative" and "liberal" historians. This canon was formed by the first Russian professional historian, Nikolai Karamzin in the 1820s, and then perfected by great historians of the late imperial period, the classic Stalinist historical text History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course , and the academic historiography of the 1970s. Despite conflicting interpretations of individual historical events and figures, all of these historians shared the fundamentally common view of Russian history as the history of "the Russian people" on Russian "historical territory". The history of the state became pivotal to this dominant view of Russian history, as only political institutions offered the necessary sense of continuity and consistency to the millennium-long process. Akunin's History of the Russian State provides Gerasimov with an ideal example of the archetypal version of the "canon of Russian history" as understood and thoroughly reproduced by a modern-day educated Russian. Akunin reveals the whole intellectual gestalt of social imagination of the Romantic historiography of the 1820s Restoration epoch that was preserved almost intact by the "scheme of Russian history": the organicist perception of nation, the "blood and soil" imagery of national territory, the idealization of the state as a mystic embodiment of the nation's "will," the racialized understanding of the "people." This type of thinking about society was instrumental in producing the ideal of nation-state in the late nineteenth century, and informed the politics of national purges in the 1930s (on political or ethnic grounds). Without dismantling this dominant scheme, Russian society is doomed to reproducing ideologies of variously framed nationalism, and even liberal historians will cultivate in their students the ideal of national purity and domination over "national" territory.

O processo "nascimento" desse Judiciário foi dos mais complexos, pois os tribunais de Justiça dos antigos estados do Rio e da Guanabara não foram fundidos, como ocorreu com os departamentos e serviços administrativos, as casas legislativas etc., mas extintos e substituídos por uma nova Corte. Os respectivos quadros de magistrados e funcionários foram reestruturados em um "golpe de força" típico dos regimes de governo autoritários e discricionários. A chamada Ditadura Militar (1964/89) simplesmente os alijou de seus direitos constitucionais e prerrogativas funcionais. O mesmo se pode afirmar dos chamados "serventuários da Justiça", cujos planos de carreira, remuneração, realidades profissionais etc., eram diferentes e específicos. Os serviços judiciais e administrativos foram alterados sem maior planejamento. A Fusão desafiou magistrados e funcionários, enquanto membros de uma estrutura burocrática, a lidar com o exercício da dominação política e tornou evidentes os limites da sua equidistância em relação ao poder. Mais do que isso, a disputa entre os aparelhos de Estado não subtraiu o embate interno travado pelos grupos que foram reunidos e deixou marcas indeléveis na memória coletiva – na história - da instituição. Conhecer estas cicatrizes é recuperar o processo de hegemonia de determinado grupo na constituição desse poder estatal. Por isso interessou, particularmente como estudo de caso, a memória da Fusão na magistratura fluminense. Esta observação demonstrou que ela serviu, ao reforçar e fundamentar o sentido de pertencimento, para definir o que é peculiar a este grupo agora. A lembrança ligou o que a Fusão separou. Entrevistas com membros do Poder Judiciário revelaram que, na construção das memórias acerca da Fusão, ocorreu todo um trabalho de enquadramento e de manutenção da lembrança de certos eventos, momentos e figuras, em detrimento do que foi vivido pelo próprio grupo. Um exercício a manter sua unidade e continuidade ao longo do tempo. O Tribunal de Justiça do novo Estado, com seus laços profissionais e pessoais – em outras palavras: de classe -, estabelecendo as fronteiras de "pertencimento" entre seus membros, delimitou a memória da fusão a ser lembrada. O próprio esprit de corps instruiu o que lembrar. A existência de limites bem definidos, fixados no controle das funções administrativas, das instâncias disciplinadoras, da ética dos comportamentos etc., a partir das quais se tornou possível formar um conjunto específico de relações sociais, ditou o que lembrar ou esquecer – ao menos em público... Formas particulares da memória sobre a Fusão foram - e continuam a ser - elaboradas em determinados setores da vida social, em grupos e instituições, com a pretensão de tecer a rede de uma história única, universal. Este processo tem se desdobrado, muitas vezes, através de mecanismos que se confundem com a própria disputa de poder, de hegemonia, dentro e entre os aparelhos que compõem o Estado. O trabalho apresentado nesta oportunidade resume parte do estudo realizado sobre o funcionamento do Poder Judiciário nascido da fusão dos estados da Guanabara e Rio de Janeiro, em 1975.

The Department of Human Services (DHS) is responsible for delivering the majority of the Australian Governments social, health and welfare programs. Government services have traditionally been delivered in policy program silos. However, there has been growing acknowledgement of the overlapping needs of those accessing services, such as employment, mental health and housing. Co‐design moves towards gaining an understanding of the experiences of the users and their communities, and giving these communities a legitimate role in development and design. Co‐design is about finding the balance between what customers want, what is possible and what is viable. DHS has undertaken a series of community fora to better understand these needs and wants, to further inform the development of new service offers under the Australian Government's Service Delivery Reform (SDR) agenda. DHS has also introduced eServices to further improve customer access, and to inform DHS to better develop products that meet customer needs. Co‐design is an important feature of contemporary service delivery by DHS.人类服务部(DHS)负责提供澳大利亚政府大部分的社会,卫生和福利计划。政府服务传统上是有由政策项目来执行的。然而,越来越多的使用诸如就业,心理健康和住房等服务的人认识到了他们相互重叠的需求。协同设计旨在了解用户及其群体的体验,并且在发展和设计过程中给予这些团体权利。协同设计是要在客户想要什么,什么是可能的,什么是可行的之间找到平衡。人类服务部已开始了解一系列群体,从而更好地理解他们的需求和希望,进一步帮助发展基于澳大利亚政府公共服务改革(SDR)议程的新服务。人类服务部还推出了电子服务,以进一步提高客户的访问,并使人类服务部能够开发出产更好的产品来满足客户的需求。协同设计是当下由人类资源部提供的服务的一个重要特征。

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of corporate governance structures in the UK and Germany addressing the extent to which corporate governance structures may have been a contributory factor to the recent banking crisis. Following a review of shareholder and stakeholder theories of corporate governance and a comparative overview of corporate governance codes in the UK and Germany, the authors aim to provide some country level macroeconomic data and performance related data for a small number of large banks in the UK and Germany.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is structured as follows. It first reviews the existing literature that underpins the stakeholder vs shareholder debate within corporate governance. It then reviews the current codes of conduct and governance structures implemented by UK and German banks. An analysis of the extent to which the banking crises can be attributed to failures in governance is presented and finally some conclusions and recommendations are outlined.FindingsFindings suggest that while corporate governance in banks would appear to have been a significant factor in the recent banking crisis, based on the performance data, it cannot be said that a corporate governance approach based on either shareholder capitalism (UK) or stakeholder capitalism (Germany) is more at fault than the other. However, it is clear that UK and German corporate governance structures were not adequate to prevent the recent banking crisis and only time will tell whether the remedial actions taken have been sufficient. The present findings, in line with those presented in the Walker report in 2009, suggest that the codes of conduct in both countries were not adequate to deal with the complex issues caused by the financial crisis and that changes need to be implemented. The authors fully acknowledge that corporate governance only played a part in the financial crisis and in order to try to stop a repeat of this, the whole regulatory environment in both countries needs to be strengthened.Research limitations/implicationsThe main limitation of the study lies with a lack of complex analysis undertaken to support the findings.Practical implicationsThe findings from the study suggest that, regardless of the type of governance in operation, current corporate governance rules were not adequate and that a new set of rules is needed in both the UK and Germany. The findings also suggest that the stakeholder/shareholder debate may not be as important as previously claimed and that regulators need to find good governance rules, regardless of theoretical underpinnings.Social implicationsGovernments across the world are currently cutting public spending in an extreme fashion and this is, partly, due to the banking crises. Therefore, poor governance in the banking sector is leading to massive social problems in the real world as governments cut services.Originality/valueThe paper is original as it is the first attempt to discuss the corporate governance failing and the banking crises from a shareholder/stakeholder perspective.

Résumé Le 22 novembre, des militants d'Occupy Wall Street (OWS) ont interrompu un discours de Barack Obama, dans le New Hampshire, pour lui demander (au moyen du fameux microphone humain popularisé depuis l'occupation débutée le 17 septembre au Sud de Manhattan) de s'attaquer aux banques qui « détruisent l'économie » et l'exhorter à sortir de son silence, qui « envoie le message que la brutalité policière 1 est acceptable ». Après avoir obtenu le calme de ses propres partisans, qui tentaient de noyer les revendications des militants d'OWS en lançant des slogans de soutien à sa politique, il a conclu son discours en affirmant : « les familles comme les vôtres, les jeunes comme ceux qui étaient là aujourd'hui – ça inclut ceux qui m'ont interrompu en chantant –, vous êtes la raison pour laquelle j'étais candidat ». À l'aube de la campagne présidentielle, il tendait ainsi explicitement la main aux militants d'Occupy Wall Street, et laissait entendre que leurs revendications seraient au centre de son éventuel second mandat. Mais les militants d'OWS se sont bien gardés de répondre à l'invitation. Les mouvements Occupy, Indignad@s, ou encore Uncut 2 , entretiennent en effet un rapport très distant aux acteurs de la sphère politique, qu'ils soient républicains ou démocrates, de droite comme de gauche : s'ils cherchent à les faire fléchir, ils n'entendent pour autant pas risquer la compromission ; et refusent de participer à toute forme de dialogue direct. Ces mouvements font tous l'objet d'une abondante production intellectuelle, par leurs acteurs eux-mêmes – une littérature, un ensemble de films, de flyers, de posters, dont la réflexivité, la lucidité et la maturité sont tout à fait remarquables. Le lecteur ou la lectrice ne perdrait ainsi rien à s'arrêter ici, pour se tourner vers les sites qui relaient et diffusent ces éléments 3 . Si elle ou s'il décide de poursuivre, il/elle trouvera ci-dessous (après un bref développement sur l'émergence de ces mouvements) quelques éléments de réflexion sur les questions qu'ils posent à l'ensemble de la gauche (sociale-démocrate comme radicale ; partidaire comme associative ou syndicale), en examinant successivement les raisons et conséquences de leur distance vis-à-vis de la gauche traditionnelle ; l'importance de l'action directe et de la préfiguration ; la portée micropolitique de ces expériences ; pour finir par une analyse des ruptures que proposent ces dynamiques avec les acteurs de l'altermondialisation. Cet article se base sur de longues conversations et rencontres avec des militants d'Occupy Wall Street, Occupy London, des Indignés français, espagnols et israéliens, et des animateurs du mouvement sénégalais « y'en a marre ». Nous avons ici fait le choix d'insister sur ce que ces mouvements portent de commun, même si nous sommes conscients qu'il y a un risque à se bercer de l'illusion que ces mouvements auraient des connexions naturelles (alors qu'elles doivent être construites).

Résumé Dans cet article, nous analysons la notion de transparence administrative procédurale et examinons la mesure dans laquelle les dispositions juridiques de la loi n° 52/2003 sur la transparence dans le processus décisionnel sont effectivement appliquées par les administrations locales des communautés rurales dans la région de Transylvanie, en Roumanie. Nos questions de recherche principales sont les suivantes : Où se situent les faiblesses dans l'application de la loi n° 52/2003 dans les communautés rurales de Roumanie ? Quelles sont les raisons à leur origine ? Que pourrait-on faire pour atténuer ces faiblesses ? C'est sur la base d'une méthode mixte (des enquêtes suivies d'une observation directe et d'entretiens informels) que nous avons constaté que la mise en œuvre des obligations en matière de transparence procédurale était limitée et qu'il est fréquent que les autorités publiques locales ne respectent les dispositions de la loi qu'« à titre d'information ». Le principal problème en ce qui concerne la mise en œuvre est l'existence de dispositions universelles pour l'ensemble des autorités publiques locales, indépendamment de leur capacité administrative, des caractéristiques culturelles et sociales propres aux communautés rurales en matière de participation publique et de communication, et quelle que soit la relation entre les échelons central et local du gouvernement. En conclusion, les auteurs soutiennent que l'on pourrait améliorer le niveau de mise en œuvre de ces obligations en les intégrant dans une loi générale de procédure administrative. Remarques à l'intention des praticiens Il est très fréquent que les pays d'Europe orientale adoptent des lois extrêmement avancées, qui sont ensuite difficiles à mettre en œuvre en raison de facteurs tels qu'une capacité administrative limitée au niveau local, conjuguée à des différences entre les régions urbaines et rurales, à une résistance au changement au sein de l'appareil bureaucratique, à la passivité des citoyens, etc. La Roumanie a adopté, en 2003, la loi sur la transparence dans le processus décisionnel des autorités publiques en vue de créer un gouvernement plus ouvert, plus transparent, plus responsable et plus prévisible. Depuis son adoption, les études réalisées par des ONG démontrent que le niveau de mise en œuvre de la loi est relativement faible. Notre recherche entend déterminer la façon dont les dispositions juridiques de la loi n° 52/2003 sont mises en œuvre dans les zones rurales de Transylvanie, l'une des principales régions du pays sur les plans économique et culturel. Sur la base de leurs observations, les auteurs soutiennent que l'on pourrait améliorer la mise en œuvre dans les zones rurales pour autant que les autorités locales aient une plus grande latitude en ce qui concerne la façon de mettre en œuvre certaines dispositions (flexibilité dans le choix des outils stratégiques) ; cette plus grande latitude doit s'accompagner d'un durcissement des sanctions en cas de non respect et en matière d'application. L'on peut atteindre ces deux objectifs en intégrant les dispositions en matière de transparence procédurale dans une loi sur la procédure administrative/un code administratif.

Marxism and feminism are usually seen as divorced from each other today, following the breakup of what Heidi Hartmann famously called their 'unhappy marriage.' Yet, some theorists still show the influence of both. In my view, Joan Acker is both one of the leading analysts of gender and class associated with the second wave of feminism, and one of the great contributors to what has been called 'feminist historical materialism.' In the latter respect, I would place her next to such important proponents of feminist standpoint theory as Nancy Hartsock, Dorothy Smith, and Sandra Harding. These thinkers, as Fredric Jameson has rightly said, represent the 'most authentic' heirs of Lukacs's critical Marxist view articulating the proletarian standpoint -- giving this dialectical insight added meaning by applying it to gender relations. It is noteworthy that Acker's important theoretical work Class Questions: Feminist Answers appeared in 2006, one year before the onset of the Great Financial Crisis. This of course was no mere accident. Acker was deeply concerned about the waning of class analysis, particularly amongst feminist theorists. At the same time she recognized that class was becoming more important than ever, not only because of growing inequality but also growing instability in the capitalist economy. Class Questions: Feminist Answers provides a rich and insightful history of class analysis in the Marxian, Weberian, and feminist theory traditions, emphasizing the strengths and weaknesses of each. The uniqueness of Acker's work comes out in her critique of 'unreconstructed 'class" notions, particularly those that make race and gender invisible within the class conception (4-5). In exploring how class, race, and gender are 'mutually constituted' she not only criticizes Marxian and Weberian conceptions, but also questions popular feminist and sociological treatments of class, race, and gender in terms of intersectionalities. It is not so much that these conceptions are wrong as they are too crude, trying to reduce class (and along with race and gender) to particular spatial or structural locations/intersections, rather than emphasizing class as a fluid social relation, involving diverse practices and processes, including its gendering and racialization. In this respect, her work draws inspiration from the introductory discussion on class in E.P. Thompson's classic, The Making of the English Working Class -- a work that had a profound effect on Acker and other feminist historical materialists, as did Thompson's critique of structuralist Marxism. What Acker, then, is offering is a methodology that will allow us to look at class, gender, and race together in terms of their interrelational historical formations ('makings'), with all of the dialectical complexities that this implies. Referring to Rose Brewer, she insists that, 'race, class, and gender processes should be seen as simultaneous forces, and that theorizing must be historicized and contextualized'. Adapted from the source document.

Pastaraisiais metais itin išpopuliarėjusių Europos Sąjungos (ES) politinės komunikacijos tyrimų centre atsidūrė mokslininkų pastangos atskleisti europeizacijos kontekste naujai išryškėjančius savitus sociokultūrinio konteksto nulemtus dalykus. Šiame straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinio tyrimo (atlikto 2006–2009 m.) rezultatais, analizuojami politinės komunikacijos europeizacijos procesai dviejose Baltijos šalyse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje) – naujosiose ES narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse, apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai žinoma. Tyrimas parodė, kad Baltijos šalyse metams bėgant palaipsniui pradėjo formuotis ne tik tam tikra atskira europinės komunikacijos dimensija, bet ir savita kultūra: galima stebėti, kaip ji paveikė įprastas, nusistovėjusias politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykio praktikas, paskatino institucinės komunikacijos profesionalėjimą. Kita vertus, paaiškėjo, kad persiorientuoti prie labiau formalizuotos bei profesionalios ES politinės komunikacijos kultūros tapo dideliu iššūkiu abiem pusėms – tiek Lietuvos bei Estijos žurnalistams, tiek įvairių nacionalinių institucijų komunikacijos specialistams.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: europeizacija, ES komunikacijos politika, politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykis, politinės komunikacijos kultūra, Baltijos šalys.Europeanization and changing political communication culture in the Baltic statesAušra Vinciūnienė
SummaryThis article contributes to expanding the European public sphere research on the Europeanization processes taking place in the new EU member states. It argues that a qualitative shift from the national to the European dimension was, and still is, a great challenge to both societies and political and media actors in Central Eastern Europe.The qualitative research in two Baltic countries – Lithuania and Estonia (in 2006–2009) – has shown that there are some differences in the nature and pace of national (cultural) adaptation of the European perspective in day-to-day political reporting and institutional communication practices as compared with the old member states. The national governments and local institutions show no particular interest (taking into the account a very high support of the EU membership among citizens) and have no financial resources or professional competenc to invest in-to communication on European matters. The study disclosed also the absence of institutionalized "politics–media" relationship among national parties, governments and the media. From the perspective of political institutions, the mass media are an important channel for communication; however, national journalists are regarded by politicians as uncooperative, lacking skills, knowledge and interest in the EU politics. On the other hand, it became obvious that the Baltic media are primarily functioning on commercial logic: they seek to meet the audience demand for entertainment rather than invest into initiating political deliberations, the EU affairs being no exception.Finally, a significant problem is the EU communication policy itself: as the study has revealed, it does not correspond to the realities of the new EU member states where traditions of having consultations with citizens and social groups in the political decision-making process are only in the stage of formation. Still the Commission sees its mission in a more direct involvement with different groups of citizens on educating on what the EU is and how it functions, rather than having a more ambitious goal of communicating and fostering debates and deliberations.

Evoliucionuojant medijoms požiūriai į auditorijas nuolat kito. Auditorijos kaip kolektyvinės medijų pranešimų gavėjos savo esme yra itin dinamiškos ir kintančios struktūros. Kiekviena naujai atsirandanti medija darė įtaką auditorijų kaitos procesams ir skatino mokslininkus iš naujo įvertinti auditorijas formuojančius veiksnius bei persvarstyti jų sampratos aktualumą.Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip kito auditorijų samprata per visą studijų laikotarpį, ir klausiama, kokios auditorijos koncepcijos gyvuoja šiandien, kai iškyla medijų auditorijos, veikiančios daugiakanalėje daugialypės terpės erdvėje.Reikšminiai žodžiai: publikos, minia, masės, auditorijos, masinė auditorija, naujosios medijos, konvergencija, medijų naudotojai, medijų auditorijos.Shifts of the audience's paradigmsDaiva SiudikienėSummaryThis paper reveals the main theoretical approaches which influence the construction and shifts of the audience's paradigms. The audience studies developed eventually under the influence of contradictory theoretical perspectives. It was stated that the significant processes had started long before the academic discipline formation, but intellectual discussions on the reflections of the massification processes were significant for developing the theoretical background for further audience studies. Contemplations on such concepts as public, crowd, mass, mass society, mass audience are closely related to the traditions of political theory, social philosophy and cultural history of the late 19th and the 20th centuries. Development of the communication sciences measures more than one hundred years, but the audience as an equivalent participator of the communication process had been recognized only at the end of the 20th century. For a long time, the audiences had been approached as unqualified and unable to evaluate the media production properly. Therefore, the conception of audience as the market dominated throught a couple of decades and formed the research traditions of the audience as a quantitatively measured object. The extent remains the most significant indicator in this research area, but the audience studies have generated much more concepts. Side by side with the citizens audience, there emerged the notions of the interpretive communities and lifestyle audiences. The recognition of the fact that the audience members differ in their socio-cultural and national characteristics, knowledge, experience in the use of media and other aspects, clarification of this notion remain a complicated matter. The most important facet should be the point that the individuals realize their role differently as an audience, but all together they are in the process of creating the cognitive schemes and the collective ideals as a certain united community. The rise of the new media has generated unprecedented processes in the post-modern societies and new notions applied for media users. It was stated that, despite the media explosion and the audience fragmentation, this term remains relevant. The new media environment is recasting the notion of audience for covering a wide range and multifaceted activities of media users. Therefore, the new roles of media users are under consideration. According to the author of this paper, as the most meaningful concepts should be recognized those that indicate the creative potential of the audience.

According to Art. 3(3) of the Treaty on the European Union, the Community is working towards the sustainable development of Europe – this constitutes the overriding long-term goal of the European Union. The guiding principle of sustainable development aspires towards the reduced exploitation of natural resources aimed at their long-term preservation and a reduced pollutant burden for protected natural resources. The target for 2020 is that "chemicals are used and produced in ways that lead to the minimization of significant adverse effects on human health and the environment" ('Johannesburg goals'). In addition, the guiding principle pursues the safeguarding of the basis for survival and economic production in order to maintain an adequate quality of life. These aims can only be achieved by far-reaching changes to the economic and social structures and also to patterns of consumption and production – consequently innovations are required. This requires specific regulatory strategies – particularly for product or process innovations – in order to create adequate incentives so that actors from trade and industry get innovations for sustainability off the ground. In connection with this the question arises as to how nanomaterials are to be regulated so that the innovation processes linked to these substances are aligned with the guiding principle of sustainable development. Nanomaterials are substances in terms of the REACH Regulation and therefore fall within its scope. However, REACH does not contain any provisions directed specifically at nanomaterials. The regulatory omissions arising from this – no definition for nanomaterials; tonnage quantity thresholds may be inappropriate for nanoscale substances; transitional periods for existing substances (phase-in substances, Art. 23) also apply to certain nanomaterials; test procedures are not designed to nanomaterial specifications, etc. – are discussed in depth in the literature. This article takes a different perspective. It examines to what degree REACH promotes innovations for sustainability through nanomaterials. The question of how the regulation affects the manufacturers' approach to nanomaterials was the subject of a survey sent to companies which manufacture and/or use nanomaterials. The survey questioned 37 companies based in Germany. Besides the issues of registering for REACH and carrying out safety assessments, the main focus of interest was on the relationships between substance risks and innovation and between REACH and innovation. The findings obtained from the survey were augmented by telephone interviews on this subject and by the results of a workshop held in Darmstadt, Germany, in December 2011 with representatives from companies and industry associations and experts on the regulation of nanomaterials. Finally, this contribution refers to the results of a study carried out for the European Commission on the innovative effects of REACH on emerging technologies. This document summarises the most important results from the empirical data and, where the data permits, draws some preliminary conclusions for a possible adaptation of the legal framework for nanomaterials.