Suchergebnisse

Abstract : There are two opposite opinions about the permissibility of women in politics. One opinion states that women should be at home, devoted to her husband, just have a domestic role, and should not be involved in politics. Another opinion states that women have the freedom to play, both inside and outside the home as well as in politics. This happens because they don't understand the concept of women's rights that purely political, as well as in understanding the text verse Al-Qur`an is still gender bias. The differences of those opinions related to the differences in understanding the Islamic sources especially the verses of the Al-Qur`an about politics. This paper discusses political rights of women in Islam, so that people can understand and not considered taboo against women who were involved in politics. Based on the identification, classification, and analysis of the texts of the Al-Qur'an and hadith about politics, found that women in politics have the right according to Islam. Men and women are obliged to enjoining good and forbidding evil through several ways including the political media. Islam does not distinguish between men and women in individual rights and social rights especially political rights. However, it was noted that all rights must be placed within the limits of natural as women. Abstrak : Terjadi dua pendapat yang berseberangan tentang kebolehan perempuan berpolitik. Satu pendapat menyatakan perempuan harus di dalam rumah, mengabdi kepada suami, dan hanya mempunyai peran domestik dan tidak boleh berpolitik. Pendapat lain menyatakan perempuan mempunyai kemerdekaan untuk berperan, baik di dalam maupun di luar rumah demikian juga dalam bidang politik. Hal tersebut terjadi karena belum difahaminya konsep tentang hak politik perempuan secara murni, juga karena dalam memahami teks ayat al-Qur`an masih bias gender. Perbedaan pandangan tersebut terkait dengan perbedaan dalam memahami sumber-sumber ajaran Islam terutama ayat al-Qur`an yang berbicara tentang politik. Makalah ini membahas bagaimana sebenarnya hak politik perempuan dalam Islam, sehingga masyarakat dapat memahami dan tidak menganggap tabu terhadap perempuan yang terjun di dunia politik. Berdasarkan identifikasi dan klasifikasi serta analisis nash-nash dari al-Qur'an dan hadis tentang politik dalam al-Qur`an, ditemukan bahwa perempuan mempunyai hak dalam berpolitik menurut Islam. Laki-laki dan perempuan berkewajiban untuk amar makrûf nahî munkar melalui beberapa cara termasuk diantaranya dengan media politik. Islam tidak membedakan laki-laki dan perempuan dalam hak-hak individu dan hak-hak kemasyarakatan utamanya hak politik. Namun demikian, yang perlu dicatat adalah semua hak tersebut harus diletakkan dalam batas-batas kodrati sebagai perempuan.

The disruption era creates great opportunities for halal tourism development by using technology to market halal tourism products. As a pilot project for the halal tourism development, Penyengat Island in Riau Island Province faces the challenges in building its image as a leading halal tourism destination. This study aims to analyze the halal tourism marketing, in this case, digital marketing, on Penyengat Island in the disruption era. This research used descriptive qualitative methods through a literature study with data sources derived from related journal articles and other literature. The efforts of halal tourism marketing for Penyengat Island are not implemented digitally. To market tourism of Penyengat Island, the local government and stakeholders use mass media advertising, billboards, annual festivals, and digital channels such as social media, online booking sites, and e-book guides at halaltrip.com. Yet, the media does not inform tourism events or indicate Penyengat Island as a halal tourism destination. It proves that inadequate information about the concept of halal tourism and/or other available information on halal tourism travel guides for Muslim tourists on the digital platforms used. The efforts to promote Penyengat Island as halal tourism using digital channels are the relevant interesting contents in digital marketing channels, the availability of information on the need for halal services, and innovation on tourism attractions. ; Era disrupsi menciptakan peluang besar untuk pengembangan pariwisata halal dengan pemanfaatan teknologi dalam pemasaran produk wisata. Sebagai pilot project pengembangan pariwisata halal di Provinsi Kepulauan Riau, Pulau Penyengat menghadapi tantangan era disrupsi dalam membangun citra sebagai destinasi pariwisata halal unggulan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis pemasaran pariwisata halal di Pulau Penyengat pada era disrupsi, terutama dari aspek pemasaran digital. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif melalui studi pustaka dengan sumber data berasal dari artikel jurnal dan data literatur lainnya. Upaya pemasaran pariwisata halal di Pulau Penyengat secara digital belum dilakukan dengan maksimal. Pemasaran pariwisata cenderung menggunakan iklan media massa, baliho, dan festival tahunan. Saluran digital yang digunakan untuk mempromosikan pariwisata Pulau Penyengat terdiri dari media sosial, online booking site dan panduan e-book di halaltrip.com. Namun, penggunaannya masih terbatas pada informasi mengenai kegiatan pariwisata, dan belum memperkenalkan pariwisata halal secara riil. Hal ini terbukti belum optimalnya informasi mengenai konsep pariwisata halal dan belum tersedianya informasi tentang panduan perjalanan pariwisata halal bagi wisatawan Muslim di platform digital yang digunakan. Saran dalam upaya mempromosikan pariwisata halal Pulau Penyengat melalui saluran digital adalah pemilihan konten yang menarik di saluran pemasaran digital, ketersediaan informasi kebutuhan layanan halal, dan inovasi terhadap atraksi daya tarik wisata.

ABSTRAK Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis faktor yang menjadi penyebab penyalahgunaan narkotika oleh pegawai negeri sipil dikota gorontalo serta upaya penanggulangan terhadap penyalahgunaan narkotika oleh pegawai negeri sipil di kota gorontalo. Jenis Penelitian yang digunakan oleh peneliti dalam menyusun Penelitian ini adalah jenis Penelitian normatif-empiris, Adapun pendekatan yang digunakan oleh peneliti dalam menyusun penelitian ini adalah, antara lain: Pendekatan Perundang-Undangan (Statue Approach); Pendekatan kasus (case approach). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa faktor-faktor terjadinya penyalahgunaan narkotika yang melibatkan pegawai Negeri Sipil di Kota Gorontalo di akibatkan oleh beberapa faktor, baik faktor internal maupun faktor eksternal, faktor internal yaitu dengan mencoba-coba untuk menyalahgunakan narkotika, dan faktor eksternal yaitu dengan faktor lingkungan tempat tinggal dan lingkungan pergaulan. Dan upaya-upaya dalam penanggulangan penyalahgunaan narkotika oleh Pegawai Negeri Sipil dilakukan mulai dari upaya preventif yang dilakukan dengan cara penyuluhan dan sosialisasi tentang bahaya narkoba, upaya Represif yang bersifat tindakan penegakan hukum yang dilakukan oleh Polres Gorontalo Kota dan Badan Narkotika Nasional Provinsi Gorontalo, dan melakukan upaya Rehabilitasi secara sosial dan secara fisik, selain itu melakukan tes urine secara berkala disetiap instansi, harus adanya sosialisasi secara rutin dan penindakan hukum secara tegas bagi PNS yang melakukan penyalahgunaan Narkotika. Kata kunci: Kriminologi; Pegawai Negeri Sipil; Narkotika ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to determine and analyze the factors that cause narcotics abuse by civil servants in the city of Gorontalo and efforts to combat drug abuse by civil servants in the city of Gorontalo. The type of research used by researchers in compiling this research is a type of normative-empirical research. The approaches used by researchers in compiling this research are, among others: the statutory approach (Statue Approach); The case approach (case approach). The results of this study indicate that the factors in the occurrence of narcotics abuse involving civil servants in Gorontalo City are caused by several factors, both internal and external factors, internal factors, namely trying to abuse narcotics, and external factors, namely environmental factors. place of residence and social environment. And efforts in overcoming narcotics abuse by civil servants are carried out starting from preventive efforts carried out by means of counseling and socialization about the dangers of drugs, repressive efforts that are law enforcement actions carried out by the Gorontalo City Police and the National Narcotics Agency of Gorontalo Province, and carrying out Rehabilitation efforts socially and physically, apart from conducting regular urine tests in every agency, there must be routine outreach and firm legal action for civil servants who commit narcotics abuse.

The purpose of this study is to see how the representation of government officials about the pros and cons of lockdown by those who are pro with the policy of government officials; and how the representation of government officials about the lockdown counter by those who are counter to the policy of government officials in conveying their ideology in a speech on the ILC TV ONE talk show with the theme Corona: Pro and Counter Lockdown. This type of research is qualitative research with descriptive methods. The data in this study were in the form of speeches from each of the speakers, namely government officials and experts. The subjects in this study were government officials and experts who were the speakers at the ILC TV ONE program. The approach of this research is AWK Norman Fairclough's qualitative approach. The results of this study indicate that, that there is no one vote whether the pros or cons lockdown. Because there are a lot of considerations and shadows if the lockdown is done what the impact is and if nothing is done. There are 3 findings of representation from government officials' statements on the lockdown policy, namely (1) Government officials in their speeches do not have strong control to make decisions, local government officials still play it safe and maintain respect for the government above it. (2) Central government officials, which are represented by the President's spokesman, can only provide an educational explanation on what is social distancing and what is lockdown and the policies that are carried out; and (3) Representative government officials and experts criticizing the policies taken by the government have not been maximized and are not firm. AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang pro dan kontra lockdown oleh pihak yang pro dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah; dan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang prokontra lockdown oleh pihak yang kontra dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah dalam menyampaikan ideologinya dalam tuturan di talk show ILC TV ONE dengan tema Corona: Pro dan Kontra Lockdown. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough yang meliputi teks, discourse practice, dan sociocultural practice. Pendekatan penelitian ini berupa pendekatan kualitatif prespektif AWK Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, bahwa tidak satu suara apakah pro atau kontra lockdown. Karena banyak pertimbangan dan bayangan-bayangan jika lockdown dilakukan apa dampaknya dan jika tidak dilakukan apapula dampaknya. Ada 3 temuan representasi dari tuturan pejabat pemerintah atas kebijakan lockdown, yaitu (1) Pejabat pemerintah dalam tuturannya tidak mempunyai kendali yang kuat untuk membuat keputusan, pejabat pemerintah daerah masih bermain aman dan menjaga kehormatan kepada pemerintah diatasnya. (2) Pejabat pemerintah pusat yaitu diwakili oleh jubir Presiden hanya bisa memberikan penjelasan pendidikan mengenai apa itu sosial distancing dan apa itu lockdown serta kebijakan yang dilakukan; dan (3) Pejabat pemerintah wakil rakyat dan pakar mengkritisi kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah belum maksimal dan tidak tegas.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap keterkaitan demokrasi dengan kekuasaan adat dalam menangani eks pengungsi Timor-Leste di Kabupaten Belu, Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia, terkait dengan praktik demokrasi. Lebih spesifiknya, demokrasi dibatasi pada konteks potensi eksklusi akses Dana Desa bagi penduduk baru. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan studi kasus untuk mengungkap praktik demokrasi terkait implementasi Dana Desa yang terjalin erat dengan budaya lokal. Subjek dalam penelitian ini adalah penduduk baru di Desa Fatuba'a yang secara geografis berdekatan dengan perbatasan antara Indonesia dan Timor-Leste. Hampir separuh dari penduduk Fatuba'a adalah penduduk baru eks pengungsi Timor-Leste. Banyaknya penduduk baru telah menjadi masalah sosial yang kompleks bagi Desa Fatuba'a. Teknik pengumpulan data meliputi observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa lembaga adat memiliki peran yang signifikan dalam mendistribusikan kekuasaan baik dalam aspek pemerintahan maupun pembangunan desa, termasuk dalam penyaluran penggunaan dana desa. Suku Liudasik merupakan suku dominan yang berhasil mendapatkan legitimasi penduduk baru dengan memberikan tanah ulayat sebagai tempat tinggal dan bercocok tanam atas kontribusi mereka untuk memilih kepala desa dari suku Liudasik. Dalam konteks Dana Desa, penggunaannya juga menunjukkan adanya saling ketergantungan antara penghuni baru dengan suku Liudasik. Dengan demikian, penduduk baru memiliki akses ke dana desa. Tidak ada eksklusi terhadap penduduk baru untuk penggunaan Dana Desa Fatuba'a. Ketergantungan penduduk baru pada lembaga adat telah melanggengkan kekuasaan adat suku Liudasik. ; This research aims to reveal the relations between democracy and customary power in handling the East Timorese ex-refugees in Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia, related to democratic practices More specifically, democracy is limited to the context of potential exclusion access of the Village Fund for new residents. This research used a qualitative and case studies approach to reveal democratic practices related to the implementation of Village Funds that are intertwined with the local culture. The subjects in this research were new residents in Fatuba'a Village which is geographically close to the cross-border between Indonesia and East Timor. Nearly half of Fatuba'a's populations are new residents who are East Timorese ex-refugees. A large number of new residents have become a complex social problem for Fatuba'a Village. The data collection techniques consist of observation, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. The results showed that customary institutions play a significant role in distributing power both in aspects of government and village development, including the distribution of village funds-use. The Liudasik tribe is a successful dominant tribe obtaining legitimacy of the new residents by granting customary land as a place to live and farming for their contribution to elect the village head from the Liudasik tribe. In the context of the Village Fund, its use also shows the interdependence between new residents and the Liudasik tribe. Consequently, the new residents have an access to village funds. There is no exclusion of new residents for the Fatuba'a's Village Fund-use. The dependence of new residents on customary institutions has perpetuated the customary power of the Liudasik tribe.

In the context of Aceh, the word "Ulama" refers to an Islamic scholar who own boarding school (In Aceh language known as Dayah) or a leader of an Islamic boarding school (known as Teungku Dayah). Ulama become "the backbone" of any social problem and play strategic and influential roles in Acehnese society. However, The Ulama roles have changed in the post-conflict era in Aceh. The assumption that Ulama are unable running their authorities in Acehnese society especially in the post-conflict era. Ideally, their roles are needed in the reconciliation regarding the agents of reconciliation who have authority like the Ulama and are trustworthy by Acehnese society. Therefore, this article aims to discuss the position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh. To investigate the problem, a descriptive qualitative method was used, where the method is to describe the nature of a temporary situation that occurs when the research is carried out in detail, and then the causes of the symptoms were examined. The data were literature studies, participatory observation, and in-depth interviews. The results of this research showed that during an important period of Aceh's history, the Ulama constantly become guardians that provide a religious ethical foundation for each socio-political change in Aceh, and subsequently they also act as the successor to the religious style that developed in the society. Even the formation and development of the socio-political and cultural system occurred partly on the contribution of the Ulama. The position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh can be found in four ways. Firstly, knowledge transmission. Secondly, as a legal decision-maker which refers to Sharia law, especially related to the reconciliation process. Thirdly, as a mediator. Fourthly, cultural roles in the form of ritual or ceremonial guides that are carried out when the parties of the conflict have met an agreement to reconcile. ; Dalam konteks Aceh, "Ulama" merujuk pada sosok individu yang memiliki Dayah (pesantren) atau pimpinan Dayah yang terkenal dengan sebutan Teungku Dayah. Pada ranah sosial, Ulama Aceh merupakan "tulang punggung" keputusan dalam berbagai hal. Ulama hadir sebagai kelompok strategis dan berpengaruh dalam kehidupan masyarakat Aceh. Namun, pasca konflik Aceh, telah terjadi dinamika pergeseran peran ulama di Aceh. Ada anggapan bahwa ulama tidak lagi mampu menjalankan otoritasnya dalam masyarakat, terutama pada masa pasca konflik. Padahal idealnya, ulama turut berperan dalam proses rekonsiliasi, mengingat saat ini belum ada agen rekosiliasi yang memiliki otoritas seperti ulama dan benar-benar dapat dipercaya oleh masyarakat Aceh. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini ingin mendiskusikan tentang posisi Ulama Aceh dalam proses rekonsiliasi pasca konflik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu suatu metode untuk menggambarkan sifat suatu keadaan yang sementara terjadi pada saat penelitian dilakukan secara detail, dan kemudian berusaha memeriksa sebab-sebab dari gejala tersebut. Data dalam penelitian ini bersumber dari studi pustaka, obeservasi partisipatoris dan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam setiap periode penting seajarah Aceh, ulama selalu hadir sebagai satu kekuatan yang memberi ladasan etis keagamaan bagi setiap perubahan sosial-politik di Aceh, dan selanjutnya ulama bertindak sebagai penerus corak keagamaan yang berkembang dalam masyarakat Aceh. Bahkan pembentukan dan perkembangan sistem sosial-politik dan budaya masyarakat Aceh terjadi sebagian atas kontribusi para ulama. Adapun Posisi ulama dalam proses rekonsiliasi di Aceh pasca konflik dapat dilihat dalam empat hal. Pertama, transmisi pengetahuan. Kedua, sebagai pengambil keputusan hukum yang bersumber dari ajaran Islam, terutama terkait dengan proses rekonsiliasi. Ketiga, sebagai mediator. Keempat, peran kultural yang berupa pemandu ritual atau seremonial yang dilakukan ketika pihak yang bertikai sudah menemukan kata sepakat untuk berdamai.

The research about the women parliament candidacy based on problems, theory, methodology and researchanalysis being utilized by the researcher aims at 1) unveiling affirmative action policy in accordance to the2003 Public Election regulation (UU) and the 2008 political party regulation that are suitable policy along withefforts to enhance women representativeness in parliament within regional autonomy framework; 2) elaboratingpolitical party supports towards quota fulfillment process of 30 percent in line with the 2009 public electionregulation; 3) describing and criticizing mass media roles in the process of the political communication of womencandidates of DKI Jakarta Province in 2009; 4) discovering and exploring quality of the political communicationof women candidates of DKI Jakarta Province 2009; 5) highlighting women efforts and struggles regarding theregulation of political quota and regional autonomy are so-called 'counter hegemony' movement. Paradigmused in the research is critical paradigm with Gramcsian analysis model. Theory and concept of this research areAntonio Gramcsi's thoughts; hegemony-counter hegemony, political network alliance, political communication,radical feminism, mass media in the New Marxist perspective (Gramcsian) and regional autonomy concept.The research uses qualitative approach with case study method and feminist research as well as equipped bymethod of the Gramcsian-Marxist analysis. Results and discussion of the research argue that women have beenundergoing marginalization both culturally and structurally in the political realm resulting in injustice of theirrepresentativeness in parliament. The notion becomes rooted in the social structure and system and has been goingas a cultural system which is patriarchy system. The women altogether have to establish and belong to a solidnetwork alliance to give pressure towards the government; those are in power and the state in order to transformconditions of women representativeness in parliament. They are therefore expected to have bargaining positionthat is balanced or even stronger with the state. The position is needed by women in that they can compete withmen and create broader opportunity by which they achieve it by the release of the 2009 political party regulationand the running of the regional autonomy regulation. In the Gramcsi's concept, the equality of bargaining positionbetween women movement, represented as civil society and the state represented as political community highlylikely produce conceptual/intellectual and practical clashes to establish new hegemony whose consequence isto prosper woman community and broader civil society as well as political community. In this phase, Gramcsinames it as 'counter hegemony' movement in which women can present themselves and bear new hegemony afterwinning the conceptual war against the old hegemony. The women's struggles to run candidacy of The 2009 DKIregional election took a form of 'counter hegemony'. The effort was undertaken so that the women can owe highbargaining position in politics that is influenced by the other power namely mass media. The need to supports ofmedia industry is inevitable. Media industry, as institution having capital ideology, might highly possible be usedby women movement/ the civil. In addition, women can take benefits from media to assist struggles of 'counterhegemony'. As a consequence, the women's struggles of counter hegemony are complicated to do due to partialand incomprehensive efforts. The women political candidates of DKI Jakarta possess resistant movement spirit orfighting movement to transform cultural values of patriarchy especially in politics. In this notion, it is evident thatemancipation ideology is not effective to strengthen the movement unless it is as communal vision and missionfrom elements of struggles that can produce women great energy to achieve their goals. The energy is no other than'collective will' considered as fighting ideology which is necessary therein fighting ideas of women have constantand significant energy.Keywords : regional autonomy, political communication, Gramcsian Analysis, women parliament candidacydkijakarta 2009)

The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.