The history from ancient times to the present has demonstrated the inherent conflict in inter-human relations. Conflicts are a result of the interaction and communication of individuals, so they persist as long as man is. At present, conflicts are greatly influenced both by the nature of the people and by the specific nature of the work of social-political organizations and institutions. The issue of conflicting conflicts and situations has become a key issue for many philosophers, psychologists, sociologists, political scientists, etc. But regardless of the high interest and long history there is no unanimously accepted understanding of the essence and nature of the conflict. The political sphere is a specific area that has a permanent and obviously conflictual character compared to other spheres of social life. Its origin is in the very nature of political relations, as relations of power, which presuppose the leadership of some and the subordination of others. That is, the power relations are based on the dominance of some people and their interests over others, which gives birth to clashes and confrontations. Political conflicts are a consequence of confrontations in a complex and multi-level system of leadership and subordination. This article will determine the conceptual, functional and structural dimention of conflicts, in particular will analize the multitude of theories that explane the expression of the conflicts in social and political life, constructive and negative approaches on functions of conflicts, dynamical dimension and paerticularites of political conflict management.
International audience ; The article questions, in a skeptical and prospective way, the institutional outcomes of this major trans-national trend of administrative reformism known as "New Public Management". In our view, the main cross-border legacy of the process of acclimatizing NPM precepts and recipes to various national configurations consists essentially in institutional rearrangements and in a repertoire of managerial tools and recipes, embedded into different institutional orders and hybridized with many other key features of various administrative cultures. Backing up major administrative reforms started several decades ago, the NPM rhetoric claimed to furnish the universal cure for the "bureaucratic" disease which was supposedly affecting the developed states at the end of the 1970s. From then on and although it never acquired the inner coherence of a real doctrine, it spread all over the world at the point of becoming both a "policy paradigm" and a "praxeologic". However, once implemented and in order to endure, the NPM-inspired logics, instruments, and methods have fatally begun to suffer a process of routinization which transformed them significantly. Hence, far from achieving their initial goal of "de-bureaucratizing" the state, NPM reformism became part of the endless processes of bureaucratic reproduction inescapably affecting modern states and ensuring their resilience.
Primera edición impresa en coedición con el Fideicomiso Felipe Teixidor y Monserrat Alfau de Teixidor: 2017. Primera edición digital en PDF: 2017. Primera edición digital en PDF con ISBN: 2018 ; La versión en PDF se generó a partir de los archivos editables de Indesign CC2018 correspondientes a la primera edición digital. ; "Los yacimientos arqueológicos de la cultura maya precolombina que se encuentran diseminados en todo el sureste mexicano, Guatemala, Belice y Honduras, forman uno de los legados arquitectónicos más numerosos e impresionantes que existen de una civilización indígena americana. Entre sus ruinas han sido recuperadas miles de inscripciones que nombran a los señores que, hace más de trece siglos, gobernaron el dinámico y complejo paisaje maya. Esta obra contiene una traducción íntegra de setenta fuentes escritas en caracteres jeroglíficos comisionadas por los gobernantes K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal, de Palenque, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, de Dos Pilas, e Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II y Yaxuun B'ahlam IV, ambos de Yaxchilán. Estos señores gobernaron sus respectivas entidades políticas en el periodo Clásico tardío (600-909), y durante sus mandatos remodelaron y ampliaron la zona central de sus capitales, emprendieron grandes obras arquitectónicas y destacaron en el campo de batalla. Mientras ellos estuvieron a la cabeza de sus entidades políticas, el poder de Palenque, Dos Pilas y Yaxchilán brilló con su más vivo esplendor; sus nombres jeroglíficos, ostensiblemente tallados, aparecen de manera prominente en numerosos tableros, dinteles, escaleras jeroglíficas y estelas. El discurso que revelan sus inscripciones muestra, con un ímpetu poco conocido en la antigüedad maya, tanto una voluntad política de renovación dinástica como una conducta religiosa tradicional y creadora a un tiempo". ; Spread throughout the Southeast of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras, the archaeological remains of the Pre-Columbine Maya culture constitute one of the most extensive and impressive architectural legacies of a Native American civilization; in whose remains, there have been found thousands of inscriptions containing the names of the men who governed the dynamic and complex Maya landscape over thirteen centuries ago. The work here presented contains a full translation of seventy written sources, in hieroglyphic characters, inscriptions which were commissioned by: K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal of Palenque, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas, and Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II and Yaxuun B'ahlam IV, both of Yaxchilán. These men, who were known to be outstanding warriors, ruled over their respective political entities during the Late Classic period (600-900). During which time, they remodelled and expanded the central area of their capitals and undertook great architectural projects. In the course of their rule, Palenque, Dos Pilas and Yaxchilán reached their period of greatest splendour, and so their names appear prominently in numerous panels, lintels, stairways and stelae. These inscriptions show, with an emphasis rarely seen in Maya antiquity, a political inclination towards dynastic renewal, and a religious conduct that was both innovative and traditional. ; Agradecimientos; Introducción; K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal: La irradiación divina; Corpus documental; B'ajlaj Chan K'awil: la gloria del vencedor de tikal; Corpus documental; Mapa y figuras; Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II: señor de innumerables cautivos; Corpus documental; Yaxuun B'ahlam IV: el poder absoluto; Corpus documental; Conclusiones; Bibliografía; Glosario de términos y antropónimos
"W książce podjęta jest stale aktualna i ważna problematyka wyznaczania granic społecznych i zróżnicowania świata społecznego, migracji i idącego za tym poczucia odrębności, wyobcowania, ale też budowania wspólnoty pomimo […] doświadczanych w toku codziennego życia różnic". Zawarte w niej teksty posłużą lepszemu rozpoznaniu "fenomenu pogranicza w różnych jego aspektach (językowym, kulturowym, społecznym, politycznym) przez osoby należące do świata nauki oraz przez praktyków społecznych (polityków, działaczy i aktywistów). Poszczególne artykuły mogą być również pomocne w procesie dydaktycznym na różnych szczeblach i kierunkach kształcenia w różnych krajach Europy Środkowej" (z recenzji prof. dr. hab. Lecha Suchomłynowa). ; "The book tackles the continuously topical and important subject matter of the setting of social boundaries and the diversity of the social world, of migration and the associated sense of separateness and alienation but also community building despite [.] the everyday experience of difference". The texts comprising this volume will allow for a better understanding of "the phenomenon of the borderland in its various aspects (linguistic, cultural, societal, political) on the part of members of the scientific community and of social practitioners (politicians and activists). Particular texts might also prove useful in the educational process at different levels and in different fields - and in different Central European countries" (from review by Professor Lech Suchomłynow). ; Redakcja naukowa książki została sfinansowana w ramach programu Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pod nazwą "Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki" w latach 2015–2018, nr projektu 1bH 15 0354 83
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.
The article argues that mediation, in its essence, is a mechanism for social development, and solving problems in the public administration system through mediation contributes to organizational change and personal development of civil servants. The problem under investigation is to identify the factors that determine the final states of the social costs and benefits of the parties involved in the conflict and the methods of effective conflict management. According to the specified research problem, the conceptions about conflict are reviewed, which serve as a support for the steps taken in the analysis of the phenomenon of conflict in the public administration. The paper describes the elements of the conflict phenomenon and conflict management styles and states that the constructive approach to conflict resolution, based on active action strategy and the application of the win/win principle, is a mechanism that offers the possibility to change the current conflict situation and improve the decision-making process.
This article reviews the importance of national interest in the context of democratic transformations. The Republic of Moldova has to define its national interests as an opportunity to demonstrate that it has committed itself to respecting the values of freedom and tolerance, to demonstrate that it is open to bilateral and multilateral dialogue and cooperation and it tends to become a reliable security partner also by that gaining more audience and credibility. Even if the national interests of the Republic of Moldova are of a regional character, because its political and economic potential is limited, so it can not claim global roles in the world arena, the national interests synthesize the trajectories on the basis of which the Republic of Moldova conceives its present and the future. In democratic transformations, the role of state power in contemporary conditions does not diminish, but vice versa complicates and increases. Regardless of the social model that our society develops on, the state is the most important instrument for increasing people's well-being, building civical and political activity as well as strengthening the sense of citizenship. Thus, the course and results of democratic transformations are to a large extent determined by the quality of state leadership. The national interest is a well known determinant of political behaviour which motivates and stimulates different actors to develop political goals, to take actions that address both the political sphere as well as other social spheres. Starting from the premise that we are still doomed to governments formed by coalition, we consider absolutely necessary for all political formations to place on the first place the national interest, democratic transformation, sovereignty, human dignity, rights and freedoms, and not the narrow interests of the party or group.
This article attempts to analyze how the bureaucratic principles of organizing public administration evolved from Max Weber to public administration at the beginning of the 21st century. It is mentioned that M. Weber's formulation regarding the ideal type of bureaucracy is a classic approach of public administration. Public administration practice confirms that bureaucracy is not as predictable and clear as described in M. Weber's theory of bureaucracy. Unlike the ideal model of bureaucracy developed by M. Weber, the current system of public administration is an open system and incorporates much more complex features. This fact is conditioned by a series of factors that influence the activity of the public administration including: the level of development of democracy, economic and social development, information technologies, leadership style, administrative culture, professionalization of civil servants, etc.
The report is based on the study focused on particularities of regional development în the Republic of Moldovafrom the perspective of the European Union model of economic, social and territorial cohesion.The research defines regional development în terms of a new development paradigm,methodically cultivated în European states with the support of the European Unionand emphasizes establishment of this policy în the Republic of Moldova.Several findings and recommendations of the study are included în the NSRD Evaluation Report 2010-2012 and NSRD 2013-2015, în whose elaboration the author participated under the coordination of GIZ Moldova.Also, a range of general and sector recommendations are formulated, whose implementation would redefine regional development policy în the Republic of Moldova and boost territorial growth and development în an external periphery of the European Union.
In international relations, international security combines that set of international relations that ensures global stability. In other words, international security is a state in which states are not threatened by war or by any breach of their sovereignty or independent development by other states. In accordance with the UN Charter, the Security Council currently has the main task of ensuring world peace, also having the sole right to impose sanctions against aggressors. The idea of international security, its realization in practice is determined by historical, economic, political, social conditions, as well as other factors. The problem of international security arose with the formation of the state institution, being always close to the problem of war and peace. Over time, there has been a change in the ability to analyze and report security issues. Along with these, both the policies and the security strategies of contemporary societies have undergone a process of metamorphosis.
The process of European integration is a topic of major importance thanks to multiple approaches from experts, politicians, civil society representatives, on the grounds that its implementation in practice has an impact on all spheres of society, from educational to social, economic and political, but and on all the actors directly involved in this process, such as the European Union. At the present stage, for the successful European accession and integration of the Republic of Moldova, it becomes essential to study this process in terms of the given dimensions, because the expected result depends on their effective implementation. It should be noted that the accession process has registered both successes and failures on the path of Europeanization of the Republic of Moldova, there are impediments at the institutional level, although in terms of legislative connection to European standards Moldova has only succes
PECULIARITIES OF STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE CONTEXT OF INFORMATION SPACE FROM THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA In the Republic of Moldova, the notion of strategic communication, in the security field, has become more and more frequently attested in studies and scientific approaches, related to the systemic functioning of our country. However, now, we find that the Republic of Moldova does not have neither political, nor sociolinguistic or media full favorable conditions; thus, the good conditioning of a strategic communication does not exist yet. The all-encompassing normative framework, regarding the coordination of institutional communication, has no chance of success in such cases, because the strategic communication represents a situation conditioned by the political, informational, social, economic, cultural environment, etc. The political and sociolinguistic situation brings a lot of difficulties for institutional communication. The exercise of strategic communication functions, at national level, can be considered fruitful only through ensuring favorable conditions for state institutions, in order to support a strategic communication, which should concentrate the efforts to consolidate and orient the conditions on national interests and national policies. Keywords: strategic communication, institutional communication, national security, systemic functioning, national policy.
Conceptual-typological Aspects of Local Electoral Systems A democracy cannot be built unless it is based on free elections. Elections are a sine qua non condition of democratic governance. Elections are the central procedure of representation in modern democracies, and our generation has made substantial progress in understanding how voters come to make decisions. The elections were imposed in the constitutional history of the world as activities whose social and political effervescence in society is specific, competitions in which the best ones win. In fact, we make the first finding: the local electoral system is a fundamental area of society, the way it is managed and carried out, it reflects the level of development of democracy. The country's implementing bodies are chosen and this is why it is so important that it is organized and carried out correctly, transparently and democratically. The local electoral system is essentially created for citizens and must represent their interests, which we must recognize, often in practice does not happen very often. The actuality of the theme of this article starts from the premise that an electoral system is closely linked to democracy, because it expresses its values, thus constituting an indicator of the democratic character of a society and, at the same time, it contributes to the strengthening of democracy. Although there are different realities, and the electoral procedures differ from state to state, however, it can be said that, depending on how the mandates for the eligible positions are distributed (won), there are three modalities of electoral system: majority electoral system; proportional electoral system; mixed electoral system.