Suchergebnisse

Desde nuestra adhesión a la Unión Europea, España ha firmado tratados que contemplan la libre circulación y el derecho de formación de los/as ciudadanos/as españoles/as en cualquier país de la Unión Europea. De hecho, a nivel europeo se ha iniciado una reforma universitaria, enmarcada dentro de la Estrategia de Lisboa o Plan Bolonia, que nos ha incluido en el Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior. Con el siguiente artículo expondremos, a través del Trabajo Social, como esto ha influido en la relación entre España y Francia. En él, describiremos el itinerario formativo de un/a trabajador/a social hasta su ejercicio profesional, en cada uno de los países. Así como los mecanismos de reconocimiento de su certificación, con el fin de facilitar la movilidad de profesionales y alumnos/as ; Abstract: Since our accession to the European Union, Spain has signed treaties that provide for free movement and the right to education of Spanish citizens in any country of the European Union. In fact, a University reform has started at the European level, framed within the Lisbon Strategy or Bologna Process, which we have included in the European Higher Education Area. In the following article we analyze through Social Work the way in which this has influenced the relationship between Spain and France. We will describe the process of formation of a social worker to its practice, both in a country and the other. We will also describe the different current mechanisms for recognition of its certification, in order to facilitate the mobility of professionals and students.

Social dilemmas, or situations in which individual and collective interests collide, elicit strong emotions. But are these emotions socially functional in that they help establish cooperation? Generally, they are, as four empirical chapters showed. In dyadic relations, refusal to return a favour is best reciprocated while expressing disappointment instead of anger or no emotion. This does not even lead to a negative impression. When not recipients but observers can reciprocate cooperative acts, non-cooperation out of anger or disappointment is perceived by observers as a just action to retaliate against defectors and is therefore met cooperatively. In situations where group members have to coordinate their contributions to obtain a public good, anger signals bleaker prospects than guilt does, especially when communicated by an influential fellow group member. This makes that group members are more likely to exit the group or install a democratic leader. Guilt actually promotes successful coordination by signalling that both the person that experiences guilt and the person towards guilt is experienced will contribute, which encourages people to cooperate even when coordination is difficult. Thus, emotions are indispensable, socially informative cues that typically help to establish cooperation, facilitate coordination and implement structural solutions in social dilemmas.

La variante progresista del neo-desarrollismo prioriza la expansión de la demanda omitiendo las tensiones con la ganancia. También busca equilibrar las variables macroeconómicas desconociendo los desajustes que genera la acumulación. Su expectativa de sustraer al capitalismo de estado de las crisis que afronta el sector privado no se verifica. Tampoco es viable el reemplazo de empresarios por funcionarios. Los proyectos políticos del desarrollismo democrático-popular chocan con los compromisos asumidos por la variante conservadora y el modelo regional cooperativo está afectado por la inserción global primarizada. Es erróneo observar a los gobiernos de centro-izquierda como antesala del socialismo y sustituir la evaluación de la lucha social por registros de proximidad o lejanía del industrialismo capitalista. Respetar las singularidades nacionales no impide discutir contrastando experiencias. ; The progressive variant of neo-developmentalism prioritizes the expansion of demand omitting tensions with the rate of profit. It also seeks to balance the macroeconomic variables ignoring mismatches generated by accumulation. His expectation of shielding the state capitalism of the cirisis facing the private sector is not verified. Nor is it feasible to replace entrepreneurs by state officials. Political projects of popular democratic developmentalism collide with the commitments made by the conservative variant. The proposal to build cooperative regional model is affected by the global integration of primary exports in all countries. It is wrong to see in the center-left governments in anticipation of socialism and replace the evaluation of the social struggle for proximity or distance records of capitalist industrialism. Respect the national differences not preclude discussing contrasting experience. ; Fil: Katz, Claudio Isaac. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas; Argentina

Mode of access: Internet. ; Published by the Institut international de bibliographie sociale

The first edition of the Edmonton Social Planning Council's directory compiled to assist human service agencies, government departments, researchers, and students in using the many libraries and resource centres in the city that contain materials relating to social welfare, social policy, social work, and social services.

The first edition of the Edmonton Social Planning Council's directory compiled to assist human service agencies, government departments, researchers, and students in using the many libraries and resource centres in the city that contain materials relating to social welfare, social policy, social work, and social services.

This paper seeks to contribute to social capital research by linking measures of formal and informal forms of social capital to social mobility trajectories and assessing their impact on social trust. Drawing on data from a recent national survey - Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion (2003/2004) - we analyse formal civic engagement and informal social connections. The latter data are obtained using, for the first time in a study in Britain, Lin's (2001) 'Position Generator' approach as a means to identify the volume, range and position of individuals' informal social contacts. The pattern of contacts suggests that access to social ties is strongly conditioned by mobility trajectory. We also show that civic engagement in formal associations is especially high among second-generation members of the service class. It is also shown that both class trajectory and possession of two types of social capital have significant impacts on trust. Among the social groups disadvantaged in terms of bridging social ties are not only those in lower classes but also women and members of minority ethnic groups. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2008.

The views of social workers in Chile are rarely heard and considered in the policy debates. This article addresses this lacuna by examining discourses of social exclusion and underlying assumptions held by social workers with responsibility for implementing social policy interventions in Chile. It draws upon the findings of a study involving interviews with senior social workers from two large non-governmental organisations (NGOs) tackling social exclusion. We found that individual-based narratives and neoliberal rationality are dominant in the implementation of Chilean social policy. At the same time, anti-hegemonic strategies pursued by some social workers were also identified. Such an approach is highly relevant in the Chilean context, in which power imbalances remain almost untouched since the return of democratic regimes in the 1990s. The study findings pose diverse challenges to Chilean social policy and social work professional training. The necessity of promoting transformative imaginations that favour collective practices of resistance is identified to counteract, through a critical discourse, the neoliberal rationale, its rhetoric and practices affecting excluded people's lives.

Corporations face pressure from governments, civil society groups and consumers to respond to social problems in their operating environments or to improve the sustainability characteristics of their products, services and supply chains. Companies respond to these problems in order to gain legitimacy with these stakeholders while entrepreneurs develop new products/services to take advantage of opportunities to address these social problems through market mechanisms. In this dissertation, I examine two forms of corporate responses to social issues: social entrepreneurship and corporate social action (CSA). Specifically, I aim to theorise the emergence of social entrepreneurship and explicate the implementation and management of CSA in a multinational enterprise (MNE). In addition, I aim to contribute to the practice of organisational ethnography by proposing techniques that researchers may employ to compensate for the limits of traditional interviewing and participant observation in the study of rapidly changing organisations. The three studies in this dissertation advance scholarship in entrepreneurship, corporate social responsibility (CSR) and organisational ethnography. In the first study, I conduct a 15-month study of Amsterdam-based social venture, Fairphone. I argue that effectual entrepreneurial agency is co-constituted by distributed agency, the proactive conferral of material resources and legitimacy to an eventual entrepreneur by actors external to the new venture. I show how, in the context of social movement activism, an effectual network pre-committed resources to an inchoate social enterprise to produce a material artifact because it embodied the moral values of network members. I develop a model of enterprise emergence based on these findings and theorise the role of material artifacts in effectuation. I suggest that a material artifact served as a boundary object, present in multiple social words and triggering commitment from actors not governed by hierarchical arrangements. In the second study, I investigate the implementation of corporate social actions (CSA) and public justifications of those actions by a Chinese MNE operating in Kenya. I show how a corporate social responsibility (CSR) programme that is developed in one country to acquiesce to local institutional demands is discursively justified by another subunit of the MNE to constituents geographically removed from the site of those practices. I suggest that the paradox approach to legitimacy management by social action—an approach that has been theorised but not empirically examined—may not lead to inherent conflict as assumed in the literature if the MNE's cost of acquiescence in one domain is low and institutional pressure in another weak. In the third study, I investigate the limits of traditional data collection techniques in the ethnography of modern organisations and examine how organisational ethnographers may employ self-documenting practices in these organisations to produce compelling accounts of organisational life. I argue that modern organisations produce voluminous amounts of documentary records and digital data that organisational researchers can exploit to increase the validity of ethnographic studies and produce compelling portraits of modern organisational life. I illustrate my argument by drawing on my 15-month long study of Fairphone. I suggest that by combining analyses of multiple forms of interactions, researchers of modern organisations can expand the notion of the ethnographic field, which has historically being conceived as a bounded, physical space in which social interactions occur, to include the virtual spaces comprising digitally-mediated interactions that characterise modern organisational life.

Objetivo. Motivar la reflexión de profesionales de ciencias sociales especialmente trabajadores sociales, con respecto a los retos del proceso de construcción de paz, con justicia social. Metodología. Para elaborarlo se consultó: 1) la investigación que en el tema se ha adelantado en el grupo de investigación Cedat. 2) Las experiencias de proyección social del centro Cedat. 3) Literatura sobre el tema de justicia social y paz. Resultado. En el texto se derivan responsabilidades y retos, presentes y futuros para trabajo social, con relación al proceso de transición hacia la construcción de paz con justicia social. Conclusión. El trabajo social debe: 1) Involucrar una concepción plural de justicia social (restaurativa, redistributiva y justicia como reconocimiento). 2) Considerar la ciudadanía y la participación social como: campos de encuentro inter y transdisciplinar; objetos de acción, disputa política e investigación. 3) Gestar compromiso colectivo con la transición. ; Objective. To motivate the reflection of social science professionals, especially social workers, regarding the challenges of the peace building process with social justice. Methodology. In order to elaborate this reflection, it was necessary to consult: 1) the research carried out by the Cedat research group in this area; 2) the social projection experiences of the Cedat center; and 3) literature on the area of social justice and peace. Results. Responsibilities and challenges, present and future, for social work in relation to the process of transition towards the construction of peace with social justice are derived from the text. Conclusion. Social work must: 1) involve a plural conception of social justice (restorative, redistributive and justice as recognition); 2) consider citizenship and social participation as inter and transdisciplinary meeting point, object of action, political dispute and investigation; and 3) develop collective commitment with the transition.

Using complexity science, we develop a theory to explain why some social movements develop through stages of increasing intensity which we define as an increase in social focusing. We name six such stages of focusing: disintegration, revitalization, religious, organisation, militaristic, and self-immolation. Our theory uses two variables from the social sciences: differentiation and centrality, where differentiation refers to the internal structure of a social system and centrality measures the variety of incoming information. The ratio of the two, differentiation/centrality (the d/c ratio) is a shorthand way of saying that centrality must be matched by a corresponding level of differentiation to maintain basic focusing. If centrality exceeds differentiation, then the result is a lack of focusing—disintegration. On the other hand, the more differentiation exceeds centrality, the more the system moves into the higher stages of social focusing, from revitalization to the final stage of self-immolation. To test the theory we examine historically indigenous social movements, in particular, the Grassy Narrows movement in northern Ontario Canada. We also suggest how the theory might be applied to explain other examples of social movement, especially millenarian movements at the end of the 20th century. We also suggest sociocybernetic ways the rest of society and the social movement itself can change its own social focusing.

A series of twelve evaluations of the social unit experiment in the Brighton-Mohawk District in Cincinnati. ; Papers prepared for the National Social Unit Conference, Cincinnati, October 23-25, 1919. ; Devine, E.T. The social unit, an appraisal of the Cincinnati experiment. 15 p.--Chaddock, R.E. The social unit and community statistics. 4 p.--Collier, J. Democracy and the making of budgets. 11 p.--Collier, J., & Elliot, J.L. Why community organization? A statement of a need and some suggestions for meeting it. 8 p.--Emmerson, H., & LaForge, Z. The social unit and public health. 19 p.--Jones, M.M., & Walker, J. The social unit and the worker and the employer. 8 p.--Phillips, W.C. The social unit in 1920. A presentation of the national program of the Social Unit Organization. 12 p.--Stelzle, C. The social unit and the church. 4 p. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The social consequences of the two earthquakes that we have suffered cannot be measured immediately with the official figures published by the emergency agencies.In short, the real impact on Salvadoran society of this long seismic crisis can be assessed in its true dimension in a long time and after exhaustive studies. Reconstruction is not only economic; it means taking into account all aspects of society as a whole.There are many elements that cannot be recovered, such as the one thousand and eighty deaths according to the official figures and the countless disappeared. The current crisis is interpreted as the possibility of a change to improve the social reality of the country.This idea is positive, of course, but it does not mean ignoring the deep causes of reality. There is a serious situation that in economic terms will have the cost of several generations to raise the country.In social terms, the crisis has poured into the public arena aspects that were kept silent in the Tom Thumb of America: the political, economic and social exclusion in which an important part of the population remains. ; Las consecuencias sociales de los dos terremotos que hemos sufrido no pueden medirse de forma inmediata con las cifras oficiales publicadas por los organismos de emergencia.En definitiva, el impacto real en la sociedad salvadoreña de ésta larga crisis sísmica se podrá valorar en su verdadera dimensión dentro de mucho tiempo y tras exhaustivos estudios. La reconstrucción no es sólo económica, implica tener en cuenta todos los aspectos de la sociedad como un todo.Hay muchos elementos que no podrán recuperarse como los mil 82 fallecidos según las cifras oficiales y los innumerables desaparecidos. La actual crisis se interpreta como la posibilidad de un cambio para mejorar la realidad social del país.Esta idea es positiva, por supuesto, pero no significa ignorar las profundas causas de la realidad. Se vive una grave situación que en términos económicos tendrán el costo de varias generaciones para levantar el país.En términos sociales la crisis ha vertido sobre la palestra pública aspectos que se tenían callados en el Pulgarcito de América: la exclusión política, económica y social en que se mantiene una parte importante de la población.

Dès l'origine, le développement de l'Etat social constitue un dispositif de gestion des risques. Par delà la diversité et les variations des justifications philantropiques, sécuritaires, politiques ou morales, il s'agit bien de répondre aux risques liés à la question sociale posée par le développement de la société industrielle. Avec l'émergence contemporaine du référentiel de l'Etat social actif, et la mise en oeuvre des mesures et dispositifs qui le concrétisent, on assiste à une nouvelle déclinaison du paradigme de gestion des risques. A la figure du travailleur protégé par son inscription dans des régulations collectives tend à se superposer, et parfois à se substituer, celle de l'individu entrepreneur de soi, incité, et parfois contraint, à faire face des risques auxquels l'expose son inadaptation.

Dès l'origine, le développement de l'Etat social constitue un dispositif de gestion des risques. Par delà la diversité et les variations des justifications philantropiques, sécuritaires, politiques ou morales, il s'agit bien de répondre aux risques liés à la question sociale posée par le développement de la société industrielle. Avec l'émergence contemporaine du référentiel de l'Etat social actif, et la mise en oeuvre des mesures et dispositifs qui le concrétisent, on assiste à une nouvelle déclinaison du paradigme de gestion des risques. A la figure du travailleur protégé par son inscription dans des régulations collectives tend à se superposer, et parfois à se substituer, celle de l'individu entrepreneur de soi, incité, et parfois contraint, à faire face des risques auxquels l'expose son inadaptation.