Suchergebnisse

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.

Europeizacija stambenih politika samostalno je i u sklopu šire europske socijalne politike bila od marginalnog istraživačkog značaja u korpusu stambenih studija i socijalne politike zbog načelnog i stvarnog neuplitanja EU-a u stambene politike država članica. Stambena politika u nadležnosti je država članica EU-a, pa je stoga nužno višedimenzionalno mjeriti europsku integraciju u ovom području. U ovom su radu analizirani utjecaji europeizacije kroz mehanizme europske integracije temeljem uvida iz dviju postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a – Slovenije i Hrvatske. Zaključnom se raspravom ukazuje na europeizacijski deficit u stambenom području kada je riječ o Hrvatskoj u odnosu na Sloveniju. Konačno, predlaže se proširenje analize na veći broj postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a te se stoga ovaj rad stavlja u službu poticanja daljnjeg istraživanja teme. ; Europeanization of housing piolicies was, separately as well as a part of wider European social policy, of marginal research importance in housing studies because of non-interference of EU in member states' domestic housing policies. Responsibility for housing policies lies at the level of EU member states and therefore it is necessary to study European integration in this area multidimensionally. Europeanization impacts related to housing policies are comparatively analysed by using integration mechanisms approach on two post-socialist EU member states: Slovenia and Croatia. Concluding discussion is focused on pointing out the Europeanization deficit in the housing area when Croatia is concerned, in relation to Slovenia. Finally, country sample enlargement is advised by including other cases of post-socialist EU member states dealing with European policy impulses in housing area, which puts this paper in service of further housing policy research.

Hrvatska je bila gospodarski i demografski uspješnija u periodu od 1946. — 1990. nego nakon osamostaljenja. Članak istražuje uzroke takvog stanja kao i teorijske konzekvence studije slučaja Republike Hrvatske. Članak navodi uzroke vrlo brzog gospodarskog rasta Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske do 1980. godine ali i uzroke ekonomske krize u posljednjih deset godina socijalističkog poretka i komunističke diktature. Ta kriza je doprinijela (uz vanjskopolitičke okolnosti) propasti socijalizma i Jugoslavije, te uvođenju demokracije i kapitalizma. Međutim, novi sustav nije ispunio očekivanja. Republika Hrvatska je postigla vrlo skromne gospodarske rezultate nakon osamostaljenja, uz značajan pad broja stanovnika. Iako je rat pridonio takvom stanju, poslijeratni rezultati pokazuju da je pogrešna gospodarska politika glavni uzročnik tog neuspjeha. Osobito je negativan bio utjecaj privatizacije. Na teorijskom planu, studija slučaja Hrvatske ne potvrđuje dominantne teorije o prednostima demokracije nad diktaturom, kapitalizma nad socijalizmom ni teorije koje ističu prednosti nacionalne homogenosti za gospodarski rast, ali potvrđuje teorije o utjecaju ekonomije na tranziciju iz diktature u demokraciju. ; Croatia was economically and demographically more successful during the period from 1946 — 90 than after the independence. The article investigates the causes of such a situation as well as the theoretical consequences of the case study of the Republic of Croatia. The article explains the causes of the very rapid economic development of the Socialist Republic of Croatia until 1980. However, during the last ten years of the socialist system and communist dictatorship, an economic crisis broke out. This crisis contributed (along with foreign policy circumstances) to the collapse of that system, to the introduction of democracy and capitalism, and to the collapse of former Yugoslavia. Yet, the new system did not meet its expectations. The Republic of Croatia achieved very modest economic results after independence, with a ...

Koncepcija općenarodne obrane i društvene samozaštite, kako se od sredine 1970-ih zvao jugoslavenski obrambeno-zaštitni sustav, počela se provoditi nakon invazije zemalja Varšavskoga ugovora na Čehoslovačku u kolovozu 1968. Jugoslavenski komunisti smatrali su da se takvoj, iznenadnoj i uspješnoj agresiji mogu učinkovito suprotstaviti samo organiziranim angažmanom svih raspoloživih potencijala društva na temelju svojega revolucionarnog iskustva i promišljanja klasika marksizma o naoružanome narodu. Tako je počela nastajati obrambena koncepcija koja je osjetno opteretila društvo, povećala ionako velike financijske izdatke za vojsku i potaknula militarizaciju društva. Premda je istovremeno s obrambenom funkcijom problematizirana i funkcija sigurnosti društva pod imenom društvena samozaštita, pravi poticaj za njezino teorijsko i praktično uobličavanje dao je upad naoružane skupine Feniks u Jugoslaviju u ljeto 1972. No do koliko-toliko učinkovite fuzije tih dvaju zaštitnih kompleksa doći će tek 1979. osnivanjem komiteta za općenarodnu obranu i društvenu samozaštitu, koji su u obrambeno-zaštitnom sustavu trebali osigurati rukovodeću ulogu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. ; The conception of total people's defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries' invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people's defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people's defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

U radu je riječ o fikcionalnome svijetu Heiniricha Bölla koji je u velikoj mjeri obilježen traumatičnim iskustvom rata i nacionalsocijalizma te poslijeratnoga njemačkog suočavanja s vlastitom prošlosti i traženjem lijeka za svoju i tuđu muku. Iz tih se trauma iskristaliziralo i nekoliko ključnih tema Böllova pjesništva: rat, politika, moralne i vjerske nedoumice i – kao prevladavajuća – čovjek sa svojim strahovima i bespomoćnosti, ali i neočekivanom vitalnosti, hrabrosti ili dobrotom u vrtlogu rata te poslijeratnoj bijedi ili modernome blagostanju. U oči upada pjesnikovo traženje oslonca u humanosti, ljubavi, vjeri nasuprot životnoj tragičnosti u surovim vremenima, u često neljudskoj sredini bezosjećajnih, beskrupuloznih, ponekad i po život opasnih ljudi i institucija. Böll je i na ovdašnjim područjima stekao zasluženu pozornost, što dokazuju i brojni prijevodi njegovih djela koji su navedeni na kraju ovoga priloga. ; The paper speaks about fictional world of Heinrich Böll, which is greatly marked by traumatic war experience, National Socialism and postwar German confronting with its own history and finding a way out for its own and others' pain. Some key topics of Böll's poetry were crystallized from those traumas: war, politics moral and religious dilemmas and – as the prevailing one – a man with his fears and helplessness, but also with unexpected vitality, courage or goodness in the war whirlwind and postwar misery or modern welfare. Especially interesting is poet's searching for support in humanity, love, faith opposite to tragic of life in the hard times, in the area of insensitive, unscrupulous and sometimes dangerous people and institutions. Böll gained deserved attention in our areas as well, which is proved by numerous translations of his works which are mentioned at the end of this article.

U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Autor polazi od stava da je za kritičko razumijevanje postsocijalizma (kojeg uvjetno određuje kao stanje i proturiječni procesi u Istočnoj Europi nakon demokratske revolucije) i njegovih razvojnih perspektiva upravo primjeren koncept civilnog društva. Upućuje na tri različite društvene struje koje su doprinjele obnovi problematike civilnog društva: neoliberalizam, postmarksizam i disidentski građanski otpor totalitarizmu. Zatim utvrđuje pojam civilnog društva, u smislu koji je dobio u novovjekovnim teorijama prirodnog prava. Na tom tragu precizira vlastito određenje ovog pojma kao analitičkog oruđa za analizu socijalizma i postsocijalizma. Kad je riječ o socijalizmu ukazuje na stalnu napetost između države i neautonomnog ali »realnog socijalističkog društva«, u kome se uvijek iznova javljaju klice autonomne civilne sfere. Na kraju raspravlja o (ne)ispunjenju tri temeljne pretpostavke civilnog društva u aktualnim postsocijalističkim procesima na europskom Istoku, uključujući Hrvatsku i Jugoslaviju. ; The author expresses the opinion that for a critical understanding of postsocialism (which he conditionally defines as the situation and contradictory processes in Eastern Europe after the democratic revolution) and its development perspectives, the most adequate is the concept of civil society. He indicates three different social currents which contributed to the renewal of the civil society issue: neoliberalism, post-Marxism and the dissident civil opposition to totalitarianism. He then determines the concept of civil society within the meaning it had obtained in the modem theories of natural law. Following this line of thought he specifies his own definition of this concept as an analytical means for studying socialism and postsocialism. When it is a question of socialism, he indicates the constant tension between the state and unautonomous but »real socialist society«, in which new seeds of the autonomous civil sphere keep appearing over and over again. Finally, he discusses the non-fulfilment of the three fundamental pre-suppositions for civil society in contemporary postsocialist processes in the European East, including Croatia and Yugoslavia.

The article identifies the ways/procedures of revisionism in poetry. Not only does the exclusion of the poetry of Goran Babić from the national corpus not correspond with its poetic complexity and value, but it is also ethically inconsistent. Revisionism follows a national identity path according to which literature with clearly expressed views on socialism cannot fully exist within the history of poetry. Politics has taken the place of poetics. ; U članku se detektiraju načini/procedure revizionizma u pjesništvu. Isključivanje poezije Gorana Babića iz nacionalnoga korpusa ne samo da ne korespondira s njegovom poetičkom složenošću i vrijednošću negoli je i etički nekonzistentno. Revizionizam slijedi nacionalnu identitetsku liniju po kojoj književnost s jasno iskazanim stavovima o socijalizmu ne može egzistirati u potpunosti unutar povijesti pjesništva. Politika je zauzela mjesto poetike.

U kontekstu političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih promjena sredinom XX. stoljeća sustavno se ostvaruju temeljni ciljevi Komunističke partije Jugoslavije na svim razinama te dolazi do strukturnih promjena u društvu. Zadane promjene može se pratiti i preko mjera poduzetih za smanjenje broja nepismenih, što je izravno proizlazilo iz potrebe rješavanja temeljnih društvenih i gospodarskih problema. U radu se problematizira borba protiv nepismenosti u Hrvatskoj nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Akcijski planovi opismenjavanja stanovništva koje su sustavno provodili državni organi pokazuju da se korjenito mijenjala slika društva. Odgojno-obrazovne teme i povijest školstva XX. stoljeća u hrvatskoj historiografiji, uz određene iznimke, neistražene su kao primjerice u historiografiji XIX. stoljeća. Autori su analizom izvora i literature uspostavili tri faze odgojno-obrazovnih promjena. U ovom će se radu pratiti problem rješavanja nepismenosti preko promjena odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava i akcijskih planova opismenjavanja od 1945. do završne faze 1974., kada je donesena odluka o osnivanju Komisije za borbu protiv nepismenosti. Namjera je ovim radom doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti obrazovanja u hrvatskoj historiografiji. ; In the context of the political, economic, and social changes in the mid-20th century, a systematic implementation of the core goals of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/ League of Communists of Yugoslavia was conducted on all levels, resulting in structural changes in society. Among other things, these changes were the result of the measures implemented in order to reduce the number of illiterates, and this was directly related to the need to resolve basic social and economic problems. In this paper, the authors examine the struggle against illiteracy in Croatia after World War II. The literacy action plans that were systematically conducted by state authorities indicate that the image of society underwent profound changes. Thus, from a bottom-up perspective, society became subject to long-lasting changes. With certain exceptions, educational topics and the history of education in the 20th century remain unresearched in Croatian historiography, especially when compared to, say, the same topics in the 19th century. Therefore, this topic represents a new beginning in research and, due to its nature, also enters the frame of social history in the second half of the 20th century. Through source and literature analysis, the authors have determined three phases of educational changes. This paper shall examine the problem of combating illiteracy through changes in the educational system and literacy action plans in the period from 1945 to 1974, when the decision to form the Commission for Combatting Illiteracy was made. The aim of this paper and this approach to the topic and problem of illiteracy through literacy action plans is to contribute to history of education research in Croatian historiography.

U radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslavenske reformske orijentacije i vala liberalizacije nakon Brijunskoga plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, neriješeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete suradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji. ; This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of 'clean slate' politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić's leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key 'guardian' of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of 'democratic centralism', decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić's leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.

Cilj je članka analizirati Spomenik Seljačkoj buni i Matiji Gupcu u Gornjoj Stubici kao materijalizirano sjećanje na prošlost konstruiranu u skladu s potrebama sadašnjosti. Spomeniku se pristupa iz perspektive ljudi koji ga na raznorodne načine koriste i oživljavaju, pri čemu je naglasak na njihovim kulturnim praksama u prostoru spomenika. Među nizom mogućih pogleda na Spomenik i izvedbe koje ga prate, autori se usmjeravaju na njegova dva lica, koja se odnose na dva povijesna trenutka, ali i dva različita modusa sjećanja. Jedno je povezano s kontekstom nastanka spomenika i njegovim komemorativnim i obljetničkim upotrebama u socijalizmu. Drugo lice dolazi do izražaja u 21. stoljeću kada se slike prošlosti utjelovljuju i uprizoruju u izvedbama oživljene povijesti. ; The aim of the paper is to analyze the monument to the Peasant Revolt and Matija Gubec in Gornja Stubica as materialised memory of the past constructed in relation to present-day circumstances. The monument is approached through the prism of people who use it and bring it to life in diverse ways, with the emphasis on their cultural practices and performances in the memorial space. Out of a number of potential approaches to the Monument, the authors focus on its two faces, related to two historical moments, but also two different modes of memory. One is connected with the construction of the monument and its commemorative and anniversary usages in socialism. The other is created in the 21st century, when images of the past also become embodied in living history performances.

U ovom članku se razmatra doprinos Viktora Zaslavskog proučavanju društava sovjetskog tipa. Istovremeno, njegov doprinos se postavlja u intelektualni kontekst sovjetologije 1970-ih. Tvrdimo da je intimno poznavanje sovjetskog sistema autoru omogućilo da prevaziđe ograničenja totalitarnih, modernizacijskih i interesno-grupnih pristupa proučavanju sovjetske politike. Srž originalnog doprinosa Zaslavskog je u razvoju niza novih pojmova koje je primenio na proučavanje Brežnjevljevog "realnog socijalizma": neostaljinistička država, organizovani konsenzus, radnici zavisni od države, zatvorena preduzeća, unutrašnji pasoški sistem. Uz pomoć ovih pojmova Zaslavski je mogao da osvetli razne karakteristike zrelog sovjetskog društva uspešnije od zastupnika drugih pristupa. ; The author assesses the contribution of Victor Zaslavsky to the study of soviettype societies. Zaslavsky's contribution is also positioned in the intelectual context of sovietology in the 1970's. The author claims that Zaslavsky's intimate knowledge of the Soviet system had enabled him to go beyond the limitations of the totalitarian, modernisation and interest-group based approaches to the study of Soviet politics. The crux of Zaslavsky's original contribution is his development of new concepts which he applied to the study of Brezhnyev's "real socialism", such as neostalinist state, state dependent workers, closed enterprises, internal passport system. With the help of these concepts Zaslavsky was more successful in throwing light on the characteristcs of the mature soviet type societies than the proponents of other approaches.

The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.

Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.