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Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, founder of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and leader of the first Socialist State in the world, devoted great attention from the very first days of the soviet power to the education of the people, to organising the work of cultural and educational institutions, libraries and reading rooms. He considered libraries as the most massive and accessible centres of political education for the workers, propagation of knowledge, and the raising of the peoples cultural and technical level. Lenin's works, reports and speeches, notes and draft resolutions of Party and state organisations contained a detailed programme for constructing the Soviet socialist system of library services for the people.

Abstract The twentieth and twenty-first centuries witnessed political change moving away from socialism on a national scale in some countries. In one model the institutions of government were completely transformed, e.g. Russia from the USSR, while in another model markets have been added to the socialist frame, e.g. in China. The conditions of art production and hence communicative reflexivity are different in each country witnessing these transformations, yet several trends can be identified, and these will be described in a series of brief case studies.

This article examines G.A. Cohen's celebrated critique of the Rawlsian doctrine of "the basic structure as subject." Cohen describes the principal difference between his and Rawls's view of "the site of distributive justice" – that is, of "the sorts of items to which principles of distributive justice apply" – by claiming that whereas in his view "both just rules and just personal choice within the framework set by just rules are necessary for distributive justice," the Rawlsian view is that "distributive justice and injustice are features of the rules of the public order alone." Despite the acuteness of Cohen's criticisms of the Rawlsian positions he targets, there are important strands in Rawls's view of the domain within which judgments of distributive justice can be made that are not adequately reflected in these positions. When these ambiguities in Rawls's writings are given due weight, it emerges that the similarities between the views Rawls and Cohen take of the task of a theory of distributive justice are more striking than the differences. The only major difference, arguably, concerns the status of judgments about the "personal choices" the members of a society must make when their options are unconstrained by just institutional rules – that is, when the alternatives they can opt for are neither required nor prohibited by these rules. For Rawls these are choices they are at liberty to make in any way they please. According to Cohen, however, at least some of these choices must be made by direct appeal to the principles of distributive justice that underpin just institutional rules. Cet article analyse la critique justement célèbre par G.A. Cohen's de la doctrine de Rawls concernant « la structure de base comme sujet ». Cohen décrit la différence principale entre son point de vue et celui de Rawls sur « le lieu de la justice distributive » -- c'est à dire les « types d'objets auxquels les principes de justice distributive s'appliquent » -- en soulignant que, tandis que pour lui, « les règles justes et les choix personnels justes dans le cadre de règles justes sont nécessaires pour la justice distributive », pour Rawls « la justice distributive et l'injustice sont des résultantes des seules règles d'ordre public ». Malgré la pertinence de la critique par Cohen de cette position de Rawls, certaines réflexions de Rawls quant au domaine de validité des jugements de justice distributive ne s'y conforment pas pleinement. Quand ces ambigüités des écrits de Rawls sont évaluées à leur juste mesure, il émerge que les similarités entre les visions que de Rawls et de Cohen sur les enjeux d'une théorie de la justice distributive sont plus frappantes que les différences. La seule différence majeure, peut-être, concerne le statut des jugements à propos des « choix personnels » que les membres d'une société doivent prendre quand ces options ne sont pas contraintes par des règles institutionnelles justes – c'est à dire, quand les alternatives parmi lesquelles ils peuvent choisir ne sont ni requises ni interdites par ces règles. Pour Rawls, ce sont des choix qu'ils sont libres de faire comme il leur plait. Chez Cohen, en revanche, certains de ces choix au moins nécessitent de se référer directement aux principes de justice distributive qui sous-tendent des règles institutionnelles justes.

Résumé À partir du résultat des votes de la plupart des sections du Parti socialiste lors de trois scrutins internes, il est possible d'analyser à la fois les modalités d'enregistrement des militants et les processus de construction des majorités partisanes lors des congrès. Les ressources que le contrôle des institutions municipales procure aux maires socialistes autorisent un accroissement du nombre des militants, mais aussi de la discipline de leurs votes. Particulièrement identifiable dans les grandes fédérations du parti (Pas de Calais, Hérault, Bouches-du-Rhône, etc.) l'engendrement notabiliaire du militantisme et son contrôle permet aux élus de maîtriser les investitures et d'affirmer leur emprise aussi bien sur l'organisation partisane qu'au sein des différentes collectivités territoriales dominées par le PS. En ce sens, la gestion honorable des institutions publiques conduit les élus à ajuster le parti aux contraintes que leur occupation impose.

This book offers a new analysis of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution. Under the Chinese Communist Party, the intellectual was never simply an outspoken scholar, a browbeaten artist, a supportive official, or any kind of person facing an increasingly powerful political regime. The intellectual was first and foremost a widening classification of people based on Marxist thought. As the party turned revolutionaries and otherwise perfectly ordinary people into subjects identified locally as intellectuals, their appearance profoundly affected the political thinking of the party elites and how they organized the revolution, as well as postrevolutionary Chinese society. Drawing on a wide range of data, Eddy U takes the reader on a fascinating journey that examines political discourses, revolutionary strategies, rural activities, official registrations, organized protests, work organizations, and theater productions. The book lays out in colorful details the formation of new identities and new patterns of organization, association, and calculus. The outcome is a compelling picture of the mutual constitution of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution, the impact of which is still visible in globalized China.

We are in the midst of yet another global crisis in capitalism. In the UK, we have the most right wing and ideologically driven government since Thatcher; a ruthless cabal of millionaires intent on destroying the welfare state. In the US, President Obama, whose initial record did not live up to the expectations of many on the Left, is increasingly driven by rightwing republicanism and other corporate interests. At the same time, there are developments in Latin America, in particular Venezuela, which are heralding the dawn of a new politics, and recovering the voice of Marx, but with a twentyfirst century socialist focus, thus giving hope to the lives of millions of working people throughout the world. This is why the world media is intent on discrediting President Hugo Chávez; and insisting that ordinary people have to pay the cost of the crisis in capitalism. The Arab Spring and the Occupy movement also show signs of an anticapitalist movement in embryo. In Greece, perhaps more than anywhere else in Europe (even France), the austeritystricken workingclasses are pushing for real existing socialism. It is therefore not surprising that the ruling class of Greece is increasingly supporting the neoNazi, fascist Golden Dawn party threatening civil war should they lose power as a class. Now is a prescient time to bring twentyfirst century socialism to the educational institutions of the world, to teach Marx across the curriculum and across the globe. Through this volume our goal was to contribute to the literature by concretely demonstrating the practical implications of Marx's theory to curriculum. However, while this book provides concrete examples of how Marx can and has informed a revolutionary critical education, it is not intended to be prescriptive. That is, the chapters should not be read as a how to guide, but they should be taken as inspiration for new, creative approaches to Teaching Marx and interpreting and posing The Socialist Challenge.

Most assessments of the influence of scholars and public intellectuals focus on their ideas, which are based upon an implicit assumption that their widespread circulation are a result of the veracity and strength of the ideas themselves, rather than the processes of production and distribution, including the intellectual's own contribution to the ideas' popularity by attending conferences and public rallies, writing for periodicals, and so on. This concise article offers an assessment of the late Stuart Hall's role as a socialist public intellectual by connecting the person, scholar and public intellectual to the organisations, institutions and publications through which his contributions to both cultural studies and left politics were produced and distributed. This article includes an emphasis on Hall's 'Thatcherism' thesis and his public interventions via the periodical, Marxism Today, during the 1980s.

Based on five research papers, the dissertation "Institutions and Entrepreneurship" analyzes institutional influences on entrepreneurship, as well as determinants and effects of institutional change. In particular, the effects of implicit institutions, i.e. societal norms and values, on the occupational choice of becoming an entrepreneur, are investigated. Using the German history of separation and reunification as quasi-natural experiment, the thesis finds that the East Germans' preference structure significantly differs from the preference structure of the West German control group, thus constituting an obstacle to entrepreneurship in East Germany. The thesis shows that these differences in the implicit institutions result from the Socialist Regime in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), and investigates various channels by which those institutions where formed. Particularly, the dissertation identifies the effects of education and schooling in the GDR on the formation of entrepreneurial preferences. Moreover, the thesis evaluates the effectiveness of several measures of entrepreneurship education at German universities. In a diff-in-diff framework, the analysis finds significant differences in the effects of the introduction of chairs for entrepreneurship, the participation in the publicly funded EXIST-program, and the simultaneous application of both measures, on students' attitude towards entrepreneurship as occupational alternative. Eventually, the dissertation takes a more general view on institutional change an identifies effects of the introduction of the Internet on voting behavior. Using a distance-based Instrumental Variables approach, the thesis shows that the introduction of the Internet significantly decreased voter turnout in Germany. However, it is rather the established parties that could benefit from the new medium, while small and particularly fringe parties tend to lose vote shares due to the introduction of the Internet.

The article analyzes the program views of representatives of the right wing of the Russian neonarodnichestvo — Socialist Party of People — by the state Institute of problems, the state of the Russian state in the first quarter of the twentieth century, as well as determine the appropriate directions and possible prospects of its development. It is shown that the national socialists were not completely characteristic of anti–state judgment and mood in any form; on the contrary, a socialist state in the future, they tied a just social system, the growth of general and civic culture of the Russian population. The main principle of their ideological concept was the recognition of the basic role of the state in political, social, economic processes in the lawmaking. This statist views Popular Socialists were flexible and dialectical; their commitment to the state as the principal political institution was not dogmatic, not overshadow the interests of society and the individual. Basic research methods: analysis, synthesis, biographical method, analogy, comparison.

Getting organized in Vietnam : moving in and around the socialist state -- Contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: Grappling with Organizations and the State in Contemporary Vietnam -- 1. From Fence-Breaking to Networking: Interests, Popular Organizations and Policy Influences in Post-Socialist Vietnam -- 2. Business Associations and Policy-Making in Vietnam -- 3. NGOs and Highland Development: A Case Study in Crafting New Roles -- 4. The Disabled and Their Organizations: The Emergence of New Paradigms -- 5. Authoritarian Governance and Labour: The VGCL and the Party-State in Economic Renovation -- 6. The Relationship between Civic and Governmental Organizations in Vietnam: Selected Findings -- 7. Donors, Local Development Groups and Institutional Reform over Vietnam's Development Decade -- Index -- About the Contributors.