Contends that the legacy of the Soviet welfare state is characterized by entrenched interests, legal entitlements, & reform-resistant institutional practices & attitudes. Taking David Lane's (2002) path-dependent approach, demonstrated is how embedded institutions, socially based norms, & inherited expectations have significantly impacted policy reform to curtail the transfer of Western institutions & policies. Further, inherited institutional deficits & postcommunist elite divisions between government reformers & the communist-dominated Duma have curbed welfare state transformations. In this context, efforts at housing, pension, & poverty policy reforms are detailed, finding that Russia's declining welfare resources are allocated to extant programs that do little for the "new poor." In addition to political & legislative roadblocks, social orientations & norms constrain reform. The welfare state legacy inhibits a shift to a more market-based benefits system, & the implications for social welfare & perhaps democracy are deemed ambiguous. 3 Tables. J. Zendejas
Offers an institutionalist theory to explain recent inequalities in state socialist & postcommunist countries, focusing on the importance of institutional change for the distribution of rewards. It is argued that inequality primarily results from the class relations embedded in economic institutions that operate at any historical point. Developments in institutionalist theory in economics & sociology are reviewed, & the class-agency perspective of Karl Polanyi's (1951) institutionalism is reconstructed to build a neo-Polanyian conceptual framework that adopts a macro perspective stipulating distinct stages in the transition from state socialism to the development of market institutions. The framework replaces Polanyi's emphasis on markets as the source of inequality with a "dominant mechanism" that regulates allocations of the factors of production. It is maintained that this dominant integrative mechanism is the main source of inequality & the driving force of class struggle that, in turn, promotes institutional change. The framework is applied to countries of Eastern Europe to explain the extent & basis of existing inequalities. 1 Table, 32 References. J. Lindroth
In pursuit of some broad conceptual arguments regarding underlying forces & familialism deemed missing from extant regime analyses of East European welfare, welfare reform in Hungary & the Czech Republic is explored. Demonstrated is the role of familialism in the different routes these states took to reform. The local & global dynamics of welfare reform in the two states are traced, addressing their different modes & outcomes & highlighting the politics of retrenchment & expansion. Attention turns to legitimating narratives of the family as deployed disparately by state actors in Hungary & the Czech Republic. In Hungary, familialism framed justifications for the state's retreat from the domestic sphere in terms of selective reprivatization. In the Czech Republic, it was deployed to justify selective resocialization or state reengagement with the family. The variations between these East European welfare states are attributed to differential historical, political, & economic circumstances. However, variation aside, one critical commonality is discerned: East European familialism's insensitivity to the family as gendered institution. This is potentially burdensome to women. J. Zendejas
In pursuit of some broad conceptual arguments regarding underlying forces & familialism deemed missing from extant regime analyses of East European welfare, welfare reform in Hungary & the Czech Republic is explored. Demonstrated is the role of familialism in the different routes these states took to reform. The local & global dynamics of welfare reform in the two states are traced, addressing their different modes & outcomes & highlighting the politics of retrenchment & expansion. Attention turns to legitimating narratives of the family as deployed disparately by state actors in Hungary & the Czech Republic. In Hungary, familialism framed justifications for the state's retreat from the domestic sphere in terms of selective reprivatization. In the Czech Republic, it was deployed to justify selective resocialization or state reengagement with the family. The variations between these East European welfare states are attributed to differential historical, political, & economic circumstances. However, variation aside, one critical commonality is discerned: East European familialism's insensitivity to the family as gendered institution. This is potentially burdensome to women. J. Zendejas
Draws on 1987-1998 ethnographic research in the Bulgarian village of Zamfirovo to expand on previous work on the threat of transition for agrarian arrangements & identities by encompassing motivations basic to socialist "survivals" & "revivals." Varied perceptions of perestroika held by the villagers are related, revealing that attitudes toward socialism tended to shift depending on its political & economic utility. Those formerly critical of the Communist Party used socialist ideological arguments against the new reforms if they perceived them to be nonbeneficial. How villagers tried to preserve institutions of symbolic & material importance, especially the cooperative, is described, as are efforts of the Union of Democratic Forces to liquidate cooperatives under the mistaken belief they would be supported by the population. Instead, feeling that their work & identity were threatened, the villagers sabotaged government land redistribution by voting socialist, indicating that rural socialist sentiment was as much a product of the transition as a legacy of the socialist past. 20 References. J. Lindroth
Although promotion of women's status was late in arriving in Spain, the Women's Instit (IM), an autonomous body founded in 1983 within the Ministry of Culture, compares favorable with women's agencies in other industrialized countreis in terms of goals, budget, & staffing. The IM differs from women's policy machinery in other democratic countries in that: it is linked to the Socialist Party (PSOE); it is staffed by civil servants, including few feminist activists; & there are no cooperative linkages between the IM femocrats & feminist activists. The establishment, organization, policy influences, & relations with the women's movement for the IM are reviewed. The IM accepts PSOE positions on women's issues & does not support further mobilization of public opinion beyond the PSOE line. If the PSOE falls from power, the long-term future of the IM is threatened. M. Pflum
Popular, competitive elections are a component of the democratic process, but they alone do not constitute a democracy. The first somewhat competitive election in the Soviet Union in 1989 marked the beginning of a trend toward political liberalization & democracy. Since then the Russians have voted for their chosen candidates many times, although only a small percentage of the adult population participates. The elections, on all levels, have been held as prescribed by law, though the first founding election for a new political system under a new constitution did not take place until December 1993. The campaigns & outcomes of the Gorbachev, Yeltsin, & (the first) Putin elections, & the corresponding parliamentary elections, are described. Under Putin, the elections still perform a quasi-democratic function, but they are now controlled by state institutions that have the ability to falsify the outcomes in favor of Putin-supported incumbents. J. Stanton
An introduction to Uncertain Transition: Ethnographies of Change in the Postsocialist World notes that macrostructural explanations of the demise of communism fail to consider the importance of everyday life or the unintended consequences of local economic, political, & cultural struggles. Contributions focus on microprocesses & unique adaptations of the old that are responses to new market initiatives. They explore the nature of conflicts, responses to uncertainties, alternatives arising from destructuring effects of the end of state socialism, & how individual/group decisions become elements of new structurings. The social spaces of altered production, technology, distribution/consumption, the rural economy, & welfare institutions are discussed in terms of their significance to the rhythm of change in postsocialist societies. Various theories of transition are examined, noting that this transition from communism/socialism is far more complex than suggested by most revolutionary or evolutionary approaches. 1 Table, 23 References. J. Lindroth
In analyzing post-WWII trade union policies on immigration in Belgium, a theory of social movements, worker immigration patterns, & the pillarization theory, as applied to the Belgian labor movement, are explored. The Christian & socialist trade unions have begun to recognize the cultural identity & individuality of the immigrant communities, & are giving less emphasis to integration & more to equality & antiracism as evidenced by pro-immigrant propaganda, action against extreme right-wing groups & ideas, recruitment of immigrants, & defense of their equal rights. The Christian trade union federation-level immigrant departments & institutions are being replaced by education departments, national union efforts on their behalf, & independent "self-organizations" recognized by unions offer aspects of their culture. 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 29 References. L. A. Hoffman
The objective of this chapter is to sum up the results of the monitoring of Croatia's accession to the European Union (EU). This is a project in which a number of authors have taken part, each of them wanting in his or her own area to draw the attention of the politicians, experts, the media and the public to the requirements of the EU, and the weaknesses and strengths of Croatia, and to offer their recommendations for a better and faster accession to the EU, as well as a better and faster development of both the economy and society. After an introduction in which stress is placed on the importance of institutions for the development of the economy and society, the second part starts off optimistically with the opinions of others concerning us, goes on pessimistically with EU views about itself and its own development, and in part three the results are summed up in terms of topics – macroeconomics, the budget deficit, poverty, inequality and social exclusion, the rule of law and the judiciary, governance and the public administration, consumer and environmental protection, and legal aspects of the protection of ethnic minorities, science and higher education, and social values. In the fourth part, there is consideration of what has changed in Croatia during the year since the printing of the previous book; in the fifth, the degree of Croatian preparedness to join the EU is discussed; in the sixth, recommendations are offered for as good an adjustment as possible; and in the seventh, conclusions. Very briefly, it can be concluded that Croatia is working hard at implementing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) and at adjusting to EU requirements, but that a better implementation of regulations will be required, together with a more rapid establishment of new, and a better functioning of existing, institutions. Crucial in this respect are problems in the public administration, in conjunction with the establishment and strengthening of the institutions essential for market liberalisation. This project too shows, once again, that irrespective of developments within the EU itself and its attitude with respect to Croatia, the country needs to work on its own institutions, launch the necessary reforms as rapidly and thoroughly as possible, and achieve better results in knowledge and education; in addition, the active participation of all those involved in the process is also a matter of vital importance.
A historical perspective is used to investigate the characteristics of political corruption, defined as behavior motivated by the desire for private gain at the expense of the public. It is claimed that political corruption does not necessarily constitute a breach of law or moral standards. Although critics of democratic systems maintain that democracy encourages corruption, it is noted that political corruption has been prevalent in several historical monarchical & totalitarian regimes. Charges of political corruption brought against Francis Bacon, trials for corrupt behavior in ancient Roman society, & Jean-Jacques Rousseau's assertion that corruption has permeated all facets of social & political life are then discussed. However, rather than view political corruption as an inherent aspect of political systems, it is argued that institutions can be established to check it. The extent of corruption in 20th-century socialist political systems & measures taken by these nations to combat corrupt behavior are also considered. J. W. Parker
Discusses the motivations & consequences of the decision of 14 member states of the European Union (EU) to bring sanctions against Austria's 2000 coalition government between the People's Party & the Freedom Party. It is maintained that the "EU 14" had no consistent policy in regard to the sanctions, nor is there any evidence to support the widely held Austrian belief in a conspiracy of the Socialist International. Domestic motives that influenced Belgium, France, & Germany's support of the boycott are examined, along with internal factors that led nations like Denmark to challenge its wisdom. The impact of the conflict between "big" & "small states" is discussed, along with the EU's behavior as a structure with multiple institutions, & the role of Austria itself in the sanction measures. However, even if the boycott was encouraged by the Austrian side, the threats did not prevent formation of Austria's coalition government & the sanctions had little impact on the average citizen or Austrian domestic policy. Potential damage to the EU resulting from the "sanctions affair" is discussed. J. Lindroth
A comparative framework is used to examine the rapid turnover in Central American political regimes & Guatemala's place in these political transformations. The literature on regime change, democratization, & revolution is drawn upon to develop a theory of regime change that explains both shifts from authoritarianism to democracy, & similar outcomes in Central American nations that have followed different paths. An attempt is made to account for such diverse phenomena as political stability, guerrilla insurgency, military reformism, authoritarianism, socialist revolution, & civilian-led liberal democracy. External & internal influences that shape the process of regime change are discussed, with special attention given to the impact on local actors of socioeconomic & geopolitical forces outside the level of the nation-state, especially the effect of these forces on the many shifts toward civilian democracy that have occurred since the late 1970s. It is concluded that Guatemala's democratic prospects depend largely on the extent to which domestic & global contextual forces can constrain the military while new civilian-oriented institutions are being formed. 4 Tables, 75 References. J. Lindroth
A comparative framework is used to examine the rapid turnover in Central American political regimes & Guatemala's place in these political transformations. The literature on regime change, democratization, & revolution is drawn upon to develop a theory of regime change that explains both shifts from authoritarianism to democracy, & similar outcomes in Central American nations that have followed different paths. An attempt is made to account for such diverse phenomena as political stability, guerrilla insurgency, military reformism, authoritarianism, socialist revolution, & civilian-led liberal democracy. External & internal influences that shape the process of regime change are discussed, with special attention given to the impact on local actors of socioeconomic & geopolitical forces outside the level of the nation-state, especially the effect of these forces on the many shifts toward civilian democracy that have occurred since the late 1970s. It is concluded that Guatemala's democratic prospects depend largely on the extent to which domestic & global contextual forces can constrain the military while new civilian-oriented institutions are being formed. 4 Tables, 75 References. J. Lindroth
This paper deals with the characteristics of euroscepticism in Croatia, defined as a combination of distrust in the European Union and distaste for membership. An analysis of the dynamics of the two dimensions shows that initially these two factors did not coincide, but that after 2004 they converged. Starting off from a theoretical model according to which the attitude to the EU is affected by both utilitarian or pragmatic as well as ethnic-cum-nationalist (symbolic) factors, the analysis of data collected at the end of 2003 on a probabilistic national sample draws attention to the heterogeneous motives behind euroscepticism, which calls into question the effectiveness of any single intervention strategy. Exclusive nationalism and its socio-cultural, political and economic premises have been confirmed as an important source of euroscepticism. As against symbolic motivations, the impact of utilitarian motives on the attitude to the EU turned out to be marginal, but it is not clear to what extent this result is the consequence of methodological constraints. The data also show that lack of trust in the EU partially reflects distrust in national institutions. The paper concludes with a brief list of recommendations, focused particularly on ways of increasing trust in both national and EU institutions.
