The paper shows Public History projects carried on in some school in Foiano della Chiana (Arezzo) in the last years. These projects were focused on the so-called "Fatti di Renzino", i.e. the army revolts organised in 1921 by socialists, communists and anarchiest in answer to fascists and their continuous, brutal attempts in sovverting liberal institutions.
This article analyzes the contested role of bilingualism in the politics of national identity implemented in Rijeka after the Second world war, when the city was integrated into Socialist Yugoslavia. The investigation of the linguistic landscape focuses on the implementation process of visual bilingualism, exploring difficulties, different stages and the eventual removal of Italian signs in the city. The article highlights the approaches of different actors – as the minority institutions and various Party organs – on this particularly visible and crucial issue. The analysis of everyday political confrontation on the city's public image and the consideration of the ways in which different subjects acted within the general ideological framework stress the tensions in the definition of the relationship between national identities and territories: one of the most sensitive issues in the organization of the Yugoslav socialist state.
Through the articles written by Antonio Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of "L'Ordine Nuovo", you can see the development lines of what the author has established during the World War I on the historical and political analysis of Italian and European society. These ideas deal directly with Factory Council's doctrine: Gramsci, inspired by the voluntary initia-tives in Turin factories, builds, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a devastated post-war industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet repub-lic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society. This theory stands in a particular position between socialist thinkers of that period, not only towards Reformists or Unitarians Maximalists, but also towards elements of the Communist faction that breaks up with the PSI during national congress of Livorno (Janu-ary 1921) to create a new revolutionary Party.
Dottorato di ricerca in Memoria e materia dell'opera d'arte attraverso i processi di produzione, storicizzazione, conservazione, musealizzazione ; Il progetto Gabriele Galantara. Illustratore, editore e grafico in Italia (1892 – 1937) propone l'analisi e la critica dell'attività italiana di Gabriele Galantara negli anni compresi tra il 1892 e il 1937. Esso ha origine dagli studi degli ultimi due decenni nel campo dell'illustrazione, caratterizzati da tagli cronologici, iconografici e stilistici e più raramente biografici. La monografia Gabriele Galantara. Il morso dell'Asino edita nel 1965 e i più recenti contributi hanno condiviso l'identificazione dell'autore con il periodico «l'Asino», da questi fondato, soffermandosi sugli accenti socialista ed anticlericale. Da questa focalizzazione e dall'assenza di un archivio personale è stata avviata l'indagine, imperniata su di una pluralità di punti di osservazione, anche antitetici. Si è effettuata la ricerca dei documenti procedendo alla loro successiva catalogazione e disamina e in parallelo si è operato filologicamente sia sulle fonti archivistiche che sul materiale figurato, per ricostruire il vissuto personale e i contesti artistici, culturali e politici. Si è rivelato un ampio orizzonte che ha reso necessaria una determinazione geografica e cronologica, pertanto sono divenute oggetto di trattazione le creazioni per il mercato italiano realizzate dal 1892, data del trasferimento romano, sino al 1937. Le collaborazioni estere e la precedente esperienza bolognese rappresentano i confronti e le fonti iconografiche e documentarie. A dispetto dell'omogeneità descritta in passato è emersa una ricchezza interdisciplinare e il materiale è stato diviso in tre sezioni: le prime due analitiche, dedicate alle differenti attività editoriali, e la terza critica, impostata sui raccordi iconografici e stilistici della produzione. Anzitutto si è operato l'approfondimento dell'appartenenza socialista, attraverso l'analisi della militanza attiva nella strutturazione romana del partito e della produzione per lo stesso e per il quotidiano «Avanti!» (almanacchi, manifesti e tessere). In seguito si è indagata la collaborazione con la Libreria Editrice Luigi Mongini ed infine si è ricostruita la vicenda della Libreria Editrice Podrecca & Galantara. Il secondo capitolo è un'analisi della produzione periodica illustrata realizzata durante i detti anni e destinata al mercato editoriale italiano, condotta su basi formali, in relazione a dimensioni, mise en page, connessione con i contributi e differenze linguistiche. Perciò si presentano come aree di investigazione: le copertine, le illustrazioni caricaturali, i pupazzetti, le vignette e le strisce satiriche. Nel terzo capitolo il materiale è stato sottoposto a una mappatura tematica che ha evidenziato categorie di soggetti utilizzati in modalità trasversale sui differenti media: la rappresentazione del proletariato, la trattazione della figura femminile, l'approccio con il concetto di alterità e il rapporto 4 con la religione cattolica. La disamina dei modelli proposti è basata su di una eterogeneità delle aree di interesse e di destinazione, dei supporti (con un focus sulla grafica pubblicitaria e di propaganda) e delle cronologie. L'obiettivo primigenio è stato realizzare una ricognizione il più ampia possibile, attraverso documenti noti, meno conosciuti e inediti, conservati presso istituzioni pubbliche e private. Secondo fine è stato dimostrare un'attività più composita di quanto sino ad ora proposto, della quale l'illustrazione satirica è risultata solo una porzione. Infine si è proposta una lettura trasversale della produzione presentata, evidenziandone l'omogeneità iconografica e linguistica. A fianco di ciò si sono proposti confronti e paragoni su scala nazionale e internazionale, sia fra i contemporanei sia attingendo alla storia dell'arte. ; The project Gabriele Galantara. Illustrator, publisher and graphic designer in Italy (1892 – 1937) deals with the analysis and the critic of Gabriele Galantara's italian activities in the years between 1892 and 1937. It arises from the studies over the past two decades in the field of illustration, researches marked out by chronological, iconographic and stylistic slants, and more rarely by biographical angles. The monograph Gabriele Galantara. Il morso dell'Asino (The bite of the Donkey), published in 1965, and some more recent essays have shared the author's identification with the newspaper he has founded, «l'Asino» («the Donkey»), focusing on socialist and anticlerical perspectives. Starting from these focuses and from the lack of the artist's personal archive, this work has been set on a multiplicity of point of view, even antithetical. On one hand, first of all the practice research of documents and then their classification and close examination; on the other hand, a philological study about archive sources and at the same time around the graphic materials, in order to recreate non only the personal life but also the artistic, cultural and political backgrounds. The research has recognised a large reference point and it has required a geographical and cronological determination, therefore only the creations for the italian market between 1892 (in connection with the roman transfer) and 1937 have been processed. The foreign collaborations and the previous experience in Bologna have become comparisons and iconographic sources. In spite of the uniformity welldescribed in the past, a cross-curricular profusion stands out, and the documents have been divided into three section: the first two sections are analytic and dedicated to different editorial activities, the third is a consideration above the iconographic and stilistic connections shared by the whole production. In the first chapter the socialist membership has been analyzed thanks to the examination of the political militancy in the roman organization of the party and to the production dedicated to this and to the newspaper «Avanti!» (such as almanacs, posters and cards). After that the collaboration with the Libreria Editrice Luigi Mongini (Bookshop Publisher Luigi Mongini) has been inquired and finally the problematic affair of the Libreria Editrice Podrecca & Galantara (Bookshop Publisher Podrecca & Galantara) has been retraced. The second chapter is an analysis of the illustrated periodical production for the italian market during the described years, realized through figurative features, dimensions, mise en page, interaction with subjects and style differences. The research areas are: covers, satirical illustrations, cartoons and satirical strips. In the last chapter the material has been examined through a subject mapping which has underlined some topics used across different media: the proletarian portrayal, the development of the female figure, the approach with the idea of otherness and the relationship with the catholic religion. The patterns belong to different destinations, supports, media (with a particular focus on commercial and political-propagandistic art) and times. The first aim has been a survey as broad as possible through famous, known, and unknown documents, preserved in public and private institutions. The second purpose has been disclosed a mixed production, different from the one described and exhibited since now, in order to show how the satirical illustration is only a portion of Galantara's complex universe. Finally a cross-out interpretation has been proposed, underlining an iconographic and linguistic homogeneity, also with national and international comparisons, both between contemporary artists and beloging to art history.
This article suggests that the study of local development policies can be supported by the analysis of local political cultures &, in particular, by the analysis of local governance cultures. New-institutionalism offers a complementary point of view for the analysis of local development processes since local institutions can be seen to play an important role in our understanding of both the modality of political culture reproduction & the capacity of different contexts to meet the challenges of economic globalization & Europeanization. The article presents a contextual comparative analysis of two different Italian local political cultures, the "Red" one in the Emiia Romagna region (socialist/communist) & the "White" one in the Veneto region (catholic). These regional contexts are characterized by two different local policy styles & administrative practices that have articulated two different "modes of governance" in local development. The case study of a national policy to support the industrial districts development (L.317/1991), & the different regional applications, can help us to better understand these elements of analysis. 2 Figures, 97 References. Adapted from the source document.
In this essay the author chooses to develop the stimulating & intricate theme of liberal socialism from the perspective of cultural-political reviews. After a short reference to the forerunners, like John Stuart Mill & Leonard Hobhouse, the author illustrates the rebirth of a meeting proposal between liberalism & socialism in the middle of the twenties of the last century. With regard to this, beside Carlo Rosselli's notes, the contributions of Arturo Labriola & Guido De Ruggiero come out respectively in "Critica Sociale" & "La Rivoluzione Liberale." The author underlines the newness of these attitudes starting from Labriola's theories. Labriola thinks that the right time has come for the socialism to deliver its teaching from what he calls the "asiatic heritage," which exerted its influence on socialist doctrine by a choking & centralizing collectivism conditioning the individual to coercive institutions as "clan," "caste," "State," &, after 1917, the "one party system." The Italian scholar opposes to this heritage, belonging to the Eastern culture & society, the Western political tradition based on man's rights & freedom. Guido De Ruggiero's contribution -- though almost unknown to scholars -- originates from British political situation & develops in a meaning of liberty that trespasses on territory of equality creating the fundamental concept of his proposal: the "equality of opportunity." However the "equality of opportunity," needs a particular version of liberalism & socialism because it can be carried out only if liberalism is open to social action, a "new liberalism" as De Ruggiero calls it. By this way socialism cannot be Marxist & collectivist, because of freedom requirements. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
This book represents the first monograph on the philosopher, economist and sociologist Emil Lederer (1882-1939). Director of the Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik from 1922 to 1933, he was then forced to move to the United States to avoid persecution as a Jew (despite his conversion to Catholicism in 1908) and a socialist. There he became the Dean of the so-called 'University in Exile' at the New School for Social Research in New York. After sketching an updated picture of his intellectual biography and of the reception of his major works, the volume focuses on the issue of political order, and notably on the relationship between State and society. Before the outbreak of the First World War, Lederer was confident of being able to find a composition between State and the plurality of society, relying on the mediation skills of the middle classes. The First World War put in evidence certain contradictions of the modern liberal state that were intrinsic in its very origins; the State proves to be able to lose its connection with the structural plurality of society, becoming an abstract organisation, in Lederer's words rising definitively to the status of an 'abstract sovereignty'. This paves the way for the possibility of conceiving a political order no longer based on the connection between society and State, as in the liberal and constitutional tradition, but on a direct relationship between the leader and the masses. Such a relationship relies on the former's continuous ability to activate the emotions of the masses, and has no need for the internal reasoning typical of the dialectic between society and political institutions. According to Lederer, this will be the hallmark of the totalitarian State, analysed in his last, unfinished book, State of the masses (1939).
Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...
Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...
Entrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 ...
After World War I, Italian socialists confronted the many marital irregularities caused by the conflict by promoting a divorce law. The discussion in Parliament of Guido Marangoni and Costantino Lazzari's law proposal (May 1920) aroused a heated debate in the public opinion. Using women's press as a source, my paper analyzes women's reactions to the law proposal, focusing in particular on the criticism voiced against it. Thus, I intend to provide an insight into how women reinforced the notion of traditional family as the core of the nation against the backdrop of the socio-political instability of the postwar phase. In particular, the paper deals with the weekly review «La Chiosa. Commenti settimanali femminili di vita politica e sociale» (1919-1927) founded in Genoa by the writer and journalist Flavia Steno. The journal expressed a clear anti-divorce stance and addressed the divorce issue in three ways: by promoting a survey among readers, publishing in appendix Flavia Steno's novel Gli orfani dei vivi, and reporting the progress of the law through the legislature. The paper carefully considers and contextualizes the features of «La Chiosa»'s plea for indissoluble marriage: the emphasized metaphor of the family competing with ideals of individual liberty, the construction of the family as a child-centered institution and the portrayed consequences of divorce in the Italian community. ; All'indomani della Prima Guerra Mondiale, in un momento di forte crisi socio-politica, la classe politica italiana si pose il problema di rettificare le numerose irregolarità coniugali derivate dal conflitto. Nel maggio 1920, i socialisti Guido Marangoni e Costantino Lazzari discussero in Parlamento un progetto di legge sul divorzio, suscitando accese reazioni nell'opinione pubblica. Questo articolo, utilizzando la stampa femminile come documento delle posizioni che le donne assunsero nel dibattito, ripercorre le ragioni e le modalità di espressione dell'antidivorzismo femminile. Quello che intende verificare è come e con quali strategie le donne proposero la famiglia tradizionale come base di una ricostruzione dell'ordine nel dopoguerra. A questo scopo si sofferma sul settimanale genovese «La Chiosa. Commenti settimanali femminili di vita politica e sociale» (1919-1927), fondato dalla giornalista e scrittrice Flavia Steno. La rivista affronta il tema del divorzio promuovendo un sondaggio tra lettori e lettrici, pubblicando in appendice il romanzo Gli orfani dei vivi di Steno, e commentando l'iter della legge con articoli dedicati. Queste tre diverse modalità di elaborazione di un discorso in difesa della famiglia condividono alcuni aspetti, analizzati in modo specifico e contestualizzati nella delicata fase postbellica italiana: la riattualizzazione del nesso famiglia-nazione, la rappresentazione degli effetti collettivi del divorzio, e la visione puerocentrica del nucleo.
[ita] Questa ricerca si propone di offrire una ricostruzione complessiva degli aspetti salienti dell'utopia, le cui riflessioni si focalizzano attorno al tentativo di pervenire ad una comprensione non riduttiva dell'universo utopico. L'utopia abbraccia una vasta gamma di ambiti diversi che vanno dall'ideologia alla religione, dalla filosofia sociale, alla filosofia politica e all'economia; rappresenta, dunque, un valido strumento d'indagine per analizzare la pluralità delle diverse dimensioni delle relazioni sociali. Il concetto di utopia, inteso come ricerca di una legge ideale sulla quale fondare le istituzioni sociali, è già presente nel mondo antico, si manifesta nel mondo medievale nella forma millenarista del ritorno di Cristo, per divenire quasi un genere letterario a sé stante nel Rinascimento. Man mano che ci si avvicina ai tempi più recenti le utopie si colorano sempre più di interesse sociale e di progettualità politica. Ai primi interpreti di queste utopie, viene dato generalmente il nome di socialisti utopisti. Nella seconda metà dell'Ottocento iniziano le storie dell'utopia che s'intrecciano — in particolare con Marx ed Engels — con la storia del socialismo. Nel frattempo, lungo il Novecento si assistite ad un drastico cambio di prospettiva il cui bersaglio polemico è l'universo totalitario e i pericoli derivanti dall'uso distorto della scienza e della tecnologia che porterà all'affermazione delle distopie come genere letterario. Gli ultimi decenni, invece, anche a causa della pessimismo della ragione moderna e del pensiero debole, si sono caratterizzati per una crisi ed una sfiducia generalizzata nei confronti della politica da un lato e dall'affermazione dell'ideologia neoliberale dall'altro. In questo periodo, inoltre, l'utopia vive una certa marginalità filosofica e appare incapace di offrire al mondo un orizzonte nuovo. La speranza è riposta nei nuovi movimenti sociali che si stanno dimostrando i più strenui difensori dell'ambiente e dei beni comuni. Gli unici attualmente che, pur tra mille difficoltà, cercano di opporsi all'ideologia mercatista del pensiero unico, e di proporre un'alternativa comunitaria. ; [eng] This research aims to provide a complete reconstruction of the salient aspects of utopia, whose thoughts are focused around the attempt to achieve a non-reductive understanding of the utopian universe. The utopia embraces a wide range of different areas ranging from ideology, religion, social philosophy, political philosophy and economics. Therefore, it represents a useful tool to analyze the plurality of the different dimensions of social relations. The concept of utopia, understood as a search for an ideal law on which to base social institutions, is already present in the ancient world, it manifests itself in the medieval world in the millennialist form of return of Christ, to become almost a literature genre in the Renaissance. As you get closer to more recent times, utopias are increasingly colored of social interest and political planning. The name of utopian socialists is generally given to the first interpreters of these utopias. In the second half of the nineteenth century, especially with Marx and Engels, the utopia stories begin to intertwine with the history of socialism. Instead, along the twentieth century occurs a drastic change of perspective, whose polemical target is the totalitarian universe and the dangers arising from the use of the distorted science and technology that will lead to the affirmation of dystopias as a literary genre. The last decades, however, partly because of the crisis of modern reason and "weak thought", were characterized by a crisis and a generalized distrust of politics on the one hand, and affirmation of neoliberalism ideology on the other. In this period, the utopia lives a sort of philosophical marginality and it seems unable to offer new horizons to the world. The hope is now placed in the new social movements that are proving to be the most strenuous defenders of the environment and public goods. They currently are the only ones who, in spite of thousand difficulties, try to oppose to the "single thought" and to the unbridled competition, and propose a communitarian alternative
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa, società, politica, istituzioni (xix-xx) ; L'obbiettivo di questo lavoro è tracciare una storia istituzionale dell'università, inquadrandola nel più generale contesto sociale ed economico che determinò le politiche formative del paese dall'immediato dopo guerra, passando per gli anni dell'espansione economica e quelli successivi della stagnazione, giungendo fino ai primi anni ottanta. La ricerca ha seguito due direttive: da un lato l'evoluzione dell'università determinata dalla politica istituzionale e i cambiamenti della struttura universitaria, dall'altro lo stravolgimento del ruolo sociale dell'università, determinato dal passaggio dal modello liberale di università d'elitè funzionale alla formazione di una ristretta classe dirigente, a indispensabile strumento per la formazione di numerose e ampie categorie di forza lavoro in un paese avviato verso la completa industrializzazione, verso l'enorme sviluppo del settore terziario e in un contesto di profonda urbanizzazione e in generale di superamento dei rapporti sociali dei decenni precedenti alla guerra. La prima traccia di ricerca è stata sviluppata su due categorie di fonti principali: da un lato il dibattito politico-parlamentare intorno ai progetti di legge (le aperture degli accessi del '61 e specialmente del '69, le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio dello stesso anno, i provvedimenti sulla docenza degli anni settanta), alle indagini conoscitive (quella promossa dal ministro Gonella nel '47 e quella varata da Medici e conclusa con Gui ministro tra il '63 e il '65), alle proposte di riforma (i progetti n. 2.314 del '65, n. 612 del '69, l'elaborazione della "Bozza Cervone" fra '77 e '78), alla regolazione dell'assetto giuridico ed economico del personale docente, ai piani di finanziamento e sviluppo dell'università; dall'altro attraverso lo studio del dibattito interno e fra i partiti utilizzando come fonti i periodici ad essi vicini o attenti al tema ("Riforma della Scuola" e "Rinascita" per il PCI, "Scuola e Città" e "Il Ponte" per il PSI, "La Discussione" e "Tuttoscuola" per la DC, in seguito riviste come "Universitas", ecc.), oltre che atti di convegni e pubblicazioni curate dai protagonisti dell'epoca. Nella ricerca, un ampio spazio è dato al tema della pianificazione scolastica (animato dagli studi di tecnici dell'economia e della formazione), strettamente connessa al dibattito sulla pianificazione economica sviluppatosi prevalentemente negli anni del centrosinistra. La seconda traccia di studio, quella relativa ai cambiamenti sociali e culturali causa ed effetto dell'espansione dell'utenza universitaria, è stata analizzata attraverso lo studio di fonti inconsuete per la storiografia tradizionale, come gli studi di sociologia e di scienze della formazione sviluppatisi a partire dagli anni settanta, i quali fecero largo uso delle cifre sistematizzate da ISTAT e CENSIS sistematizzate nelle tabelle statistiche che completano il presente lavoro. Analizzare l'evoluzione delle componenti sociali ha significato anche indagare le vicende legate alla docenza universitaria, al suo ruolo rispetto al dibattito politico, alle richieste portate avanti e alle funzioni assunte all'interno delle facoltà di fronte ai profondi cambiamenti descritti. Per quanto riguarda gli estremi cronologici della ricerca, la scelta di interrompere la ricerca alla prima metà degli anni '80 risponde all'analisi più complessiva che si fa di quel periodo della storia politica ed economica non soltanto italiana, le cui successive vicende di riforma dell'università rappresentano a mio avviso l'emblema del netto cambio di fase vissuto dalla politica e dalla società anche per quanto riguarda l'istruzione superiore. La suddivisione in capitoli rispecchia invece più fedelmente le fasi della politica universitaria. Nel primo capitolo si fa il punto sull'eredità dell'apparato normativo ereditato dal fascismo e sulle effettive possibilità che si aprirono o meno alle forze politiche per inaugurare una nuova fase, mettendo in luce anche le prime strategie d'intervento abbozzate dai principali partiti nel corso degli anni '50. Nel secondo capitolo sono affrontate le previsioni scolastiche e i progetti di riforma ad esse più o meno legate: dagli studi della SVIMEZ in poi (influenzati da quelli più ampi condotti dall'OCSE), la programmazione scolastica e le previsioni sullo sviluppo economico del paese assunsero un ruolo determinante per la politica di riforma di scuola e università, politica che nei primi anni sessanta si concretizzò nell'istituzione della scuola media unica (1962), nelle prime aperture dell'università ai diplomati di istituti e soprattutto nella prima vera proposta di riforma dell'università, quella di Luigi Gui del 1966, l'unica inserita in un progetto organico di riforma di tutta l'istruzione, il Piano Gui, dichiaratamente ispirato dagli studi di previsione (anche se non sempre coerente con essi). Con il terzo capitolo si affronta la lunga discussione dentro e fuori il Parlamento in merito al più ambizioso progetto di riforma del periodo, il n. 612, sostenuto dai socialisti proprio mentre l'esperienza dei governi di centrosinistra andava esaurendosi nei primi anni settanta; dello stesso periodo (1969) è l'apertura degli accessi all'università a qualsiasi tipologia di diplomato e le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio, veri spartiacque della storia dell'università italiana. Il terzo capitolo si chiude infine con l'analisi dei "provvedimenti urgenti" del 1973, emblema di un modello di sviluppo dell'università fortemente precario, sintomo dell'incapacità di riformare e investire seriamente nella qualità dell'istruzione universitaria a vantaggio di una strategia prettamente quantitativa. Le tematiche affrontate nel quarto e ultimo capitolo sono invece determinate dall'inedita fase politica vissuta dal paese dalla metà degli anni settanta, caratterizzata dall'avvicinamento fra maggioranza e opposizione fino alla creazione dei governi di "solidarietà nazionale", nati ufficialmente per far fronte a crisi economica e terrorismo politico. Mentre l'attenzione sulla riforma universitaria andava velocemente calando (nonostante un ennesimo dibattito durato anni in Parlamento su un altro complesso progetto di riforma, la "bozza Cervone"), si verificarono gli ultimi cambiamenti sostanziali della struttura accademica attraverso l'ultimo capitolo del riformismo per decreti, tramite il quale furono istituiti i dipartimenti e le figure di ricercatore e docente associato nei primi anni ottanta. Chiude il lavoro l'Appendice Statistica in cui sono raccolte le cifre dell'università italiana (studenti, docenti, rapporti quantitativi e distribuzione, finanziamenti) dal 1946 al 1985. ; The aim of this study is tracing an istitutional history of university, by focusing in the wider social and economic context that determined the higher education policies after Second World War – spanning from the economic espansion years and the later stagnation to the early eighties. The research follows two main paths: on the one hand the university evolution and change of structure as determined by institutional factors; on the other hand the revolutionized social role of universities over the period under investigation. Indeed, the passage from a liberal model of élite universities – destined to the education of ruling classes – to a mass university – an essential instrument in training numerous labor force categories – took place in a rapidly and profoundly changing context. At that time Italy was headed towards full industrialization, was experiencing a massive development of the third sector and mass urbanization. In general, Italy was overcoming the social relations of the decades before Second world war. The First research line was developed on the basis of two main sources. On the one hand I analyzed the political-parliamentary debate on Education Bill proposals (the opening of the access of 1961 and especially of 1969, the curriculum liberalizations of the same year, the measures on univerity teaching in the seventies), on the investigations (the one proposed by Minister Gonella in 1947, launched from Minister Medici and concluded by Gui which was Education Minister from 1963 to 1965), on the various reform proposals of the analyzed decades (projects n. 2.314 of '65, n. 612 of '69, the elaboration of the "Bozza Cervone" between '77 and '78) and about the regulation of the legal and economic framework of higher education teachers and the plans of university funding and development. On the other hand, I studied the internal party debates by employing periodicals close to political parties or particularly sensitive to higher education issues ("Riforma della Scuola" and "Rinascita" for the communist party PCI, "Scuola e Città" and "Il Ponte" for the socialist party PSI, "La Discussione" and "Tuttoscuola" for the Christian democrat party DC, for more recent years periodical such as "Universitas", etcetera). Furthermore I used as sources conference proceedings and pubblications edited by the key actors of the debate. In the research I gave a significant space to the scholastic planning issue. This debate was strictly connected to the one on the economic planning of the country, developed mostly in the center-left wing years. The second part of the study, as said above, focuses on the social and cultural changes which were cause and consequences of the widening of the university students. This was analyzed through the study of source that are unusual to the tradition historiography, such as sociology or higher education studies which were developed from the 1970s and largely employed ISTAT and CENSIS data and researches. I have rationalized these studies in the statistics tables present in this thesis. The analysis of the evolution of social components regarded also university teaching activity issues, its role in relation to the political debate, and the role of teaching staffs within faculties in the profoundly changing circumstances described above. For what concerns the historical time range of this work, the choice to stop in the early eighties answers to a more general analysis of a chapter of the political and economic history that started in that eighties, not only in Italy. In my opinion, the following sequence of events regarding higher education reforms represent the symbol of the clear and abrupt phase change that politics and society experienced at that time. The thesis is organized as follows. The first chapter takes stock of the legislation inherited from the fascism and of the first debates on university in the Assemblea Costituente and in the Parliament, sheding light on the first intervention strategies of major political parties during the fifties. The second chapter addresses the forecasts on school attendendence and the consequent projects of reform. On the basis of first studies of SVIMEZ – influenced by the broader ones of OCSE – the education planning and the forecasts on the country development played a crucial role for the reform policies of schools and universities. Policies embodied in the early sisxties by the institution of the scuola media unica in 1962, by the first opening of access to professional high school graduates; and, in particolar, in 1966 by the first real proposal of university reform, the Piano Gui of Luigi Gui, the only one included in an integral reform plan of all education levels and explicitely inspired from the educational planning studies. The third chapter focuses on the long discussion – inside an outside the Parliament – concernig the most ambitiuos reform project of the period, the n. 612. The latter, while the experience of the center-left wing goverments were extinguishing, was backed by the socialists. However, the socialist were responsabile for the actual watershed in Italian university history, the opening of university accesses to any category of high school graduated students. Lastly, the third chapter ends with the analysis of 1973's "provvedimenti urgenti", emblem of a model of university development heavily based on precarious work. A synthom of the incapacity both in reforming and in seriously invest in education quality, favoring only quantitative strategies. While, in the fourth and last chapter, focuses on the second halph of the seventies a complete new political phase for the country, characterized by the approach between the parliamentary majority (hold by Christian democrat) and the communist opposition until the creation of natonal solidarity governments, ufficially borned to tackle the economic crisic and political terrorism. In the early eighties, while the attention on university reforms was rapidly decreasing, the last substantial change to the academic structure were made after those of 1969. During the last chapter of the "reformism by decrees", the departments and the roles of researcher and associate professor were established. The statistical appendix ends the thesis. Covering a time window that goes from 1946 to 1985, it reports all data on students, teachers, funding and their distribution in the ltalian
