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Interpretive Political Science has been seen as one of the major critiques against Rational Choice Theory. This review article touches upon the main cleavage between both approaches. It goes beyond the question of rationality as such and asks, instead, what makes actions being understood as 'rational', highlighting by that the socio-cultural context of rationality and its linkage to power. These two elements can be seen as the core of interpretive approaches and they lead us, at the same time, to divergent understandings of the scientific practice that Rational Choice Theory and Interpretive Political Science respectively have. These understandings can be seen as the major difference between both paradigms. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

The thesis is a qualitative social scientific study of the Dutch political discourse on multi-ethnic society between 1977 and 1995. The central questions are: 1. Have the Dutch political parties' views on minority policy generally changed between 1977 and 1995, and, if so, in what direction? 2. Was in the first half of the nineties more disagreement on this topic than in the eighties? 3. What exactly are the differences of opinion between the parties on the topic of integration of minorities? The research proceeds upon the theoretical assumption that three concepts - including their counterparts - play a central role in the political discourse on the multi-ethnic society: socio-cultural diversity (or homogeneity), socio-economic equality (or inequality), and political-juridical unity (or fragmentation). It is assumed that the perspectives on multi-ethnic society will be seen to differ in the political parties' interpretation and application of these concepts. The object of the research is approached in two ways. First the attitudes towards multi-ethnic society and minority policy are investigated for each political party separately. Next, the viewpoints of the parties are contextualized by examining the standpoints of the parliamentary groups of the parties in parliamentary debates on important government documents concerning minority policy. In addition the reactions of major minority organisations on these government documents are analyzed. A short answer to the first question is, that in general the viewpoints of the major political parties has shifted from a preference for a multicultural and group-oriented policy of emancipation in the eighties, to a preference for a more obligatory and individual-oriented policy of socio-economic integration in the nineties. An reply to the second question is, that in the political discourse under scrutiny, the consensus between the main political parties about the minority policy has increased rather than decreased. In order to answer the third question, in the conclusion a classification is made of the political parties' perspectives on integration that stresses the socio-economic, the socio-cultural and the political-juridical dimensions.

U radu autorica prati početak procesa izrastanja bosanskohercegovačke sociokulturne politike 60-ih i početkom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća, čiji su inicijatori i protagonisti – političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Hercegovine i njemu bliska inteligencija – imali za cilj unutar idejno-političkih restrukturiranja koja su zahvatila Jugoslaviju u tom razdoblju i u kojem su republike, kao društveni i politički entiteti, zadobile puni legitimitet, političkom tijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, kao faktor njegove stabilnosti, osmisliti kulturni identitet. Fokus rada je na razvoju, idejnim metamorfozama i analizi diskursa kojim se nastoji utemeljiti zaseban jezični identitet bosanskohercegovačkoga društva i republike kao temelj njegova kulturnoga identiteta i emanacija njegove povijesne društvene osobitosti. Autorica u radu donosi prikaz povijesnoga konteksta iz kojega izrasta bosanskohercegovačka sociokulturna politika, tj. jezična politika kao njezin najvažniji segment, prikaz partijskih foruma te organizacijskih formi javnih rasprava preko kojih se utemeljuje, razvija i (pre)oblikuje idejni govor o bosanskohercegovačkoj društvenoj i kulturno-povijesnoj zasebnosti. ; In the 1960s, Bosnia and Herzegovina was a peripheral Yugoslav republic, lacking a distinctive cultural identity. In fact, advocates of Serbian-Croatian cultural unity perceived it as a mini Yugoslavia, the central part of the so-called Serbian-Croatian cultural space, in which the process of cultural rapprochement and integration of the Serbia and Croatian nations was to occur. The political leadership that came to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s wanted to change this ideological perception of their republic and establish its distinctive cultural identity as a support to its political identity and socio-political stability. Therefore, in the mentioned period, the cultural intelligentsia was encouraged towards a systematic, organised, and institutional production of discourse on the historical, cultural, literary, and linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the national identity of Muslims. All of this represents the inception of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian socio-cultural policy, whose important segment was literary-linguistic policy, initiated with the publication of the 'Declaration' and 'Suggestion', which intensified the Serbian-Croatian cultural dispute in Yugoslavia and highlighted the concept of national cultural unity. In this way, Bosnia and Herzegovina was threatened with destabilisation and social and cultural disintegration. Therefore, the republican leadership initiated the process of forming literary-linguistic principles, the most important of which was the existence of only one language in the Republic that was shared by all nationalities living inside its borders, and of standardising the Bosnian-Herzegovinian norm in public space. Public discussions about the linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised (e.g. the 'Symposium on Linguistic Tolerance'), a language institute was established as an institutional starting point for the scientific grounding of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian standard language expression and a discourse about it was developed, the publication of orthography manuals was planned, etc. The dynamics of Bosnian-Herzegovinian linguistic policy followed the dynamics of the Croatian linguistic and cultural separation. After the end of the Croatian Spring, a certain impasse regarding the realisation of this policy ensued, partially due to the repositioning of the power relations of the conceptual forces, thanks to which the linguistic centralists who advocated Serbian-Croatian unity regained their influence. The Council of Mostar, which was organised with the goal of evaluating the achieved results, pointed to the fact that, in the 1967–1973 period, the linguistic policy of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian leadership had had a very weak impact on the socio-political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as on the creation of a separate cultural identity of the central Yugoslav republic.

Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj rada jest identificiranje europskih društveno-kulturnih i odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti koje, uz političke, društvene, kulturne, tehnološke i druge promjene u Hrvatskoj, dovode do potrebe preispitivanja i promišljanja dugoročnih i kratkoročnih odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te do razumijevanja i interpretacije njihovih značenja. Vrijednosti su kategorizirane u tri skupine: a) metapolitičke vrijednosti, koje služe socijalnoj homogenizaciji, b) vrijednosti koje izražavaju društvene, a istodobno i odgojno-obrazovne ciljeve i c) vrijednosti koje odražavaju svojstva osobnosti ili karaktera. Autorica razmatra neke vrijednosti/ciljeve relevantne za promjene u odgojno‐obrazovnom kontekstu kao što su jednakost, kompetentnost, uspjeh, odgovornost, demokracija, tolerancija, kompromis, njihova značenja i proturječnosti. S obzirom na to da su škole temeljni nositelji promjene i procesa remoralizacije, očekuje se etička refleksija i vizualizacija odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te (re)definiranje hijerarhije vrijednosti i ciljeva na njihovoj razini. ; The aim of this study is to identify European socio-cultural and educational values which, together with political, social, cultural, technical and other changes in Croatia, require reconsideration and deliberation of the long-term and short-term educational values and goals, as well as understanding and interpretation of their meanings. The values are categorized in three groups: a) metapolitical values serving the purpose of social homogenization, b) values expressing social and at the same time educational goals, and c) values representing the characteristics of personality and character. The author examines some of the values/goals relevant for the changes in the educational context, such as equality, competence, success, responsibility, democracy, tolerance, compromise, and their meanings and inconsistencies. Given that schools are the basic bearers of change and of the process of remoralization, the ethical reflection and visualization of educational values and goals and the (re)definition of the hierarchy of values and goals is expected on their level. ; Diese Arbeit setzt sich zum Ziel, europäische soziale, kulturelle und erzieherische Bildungswerte zu bestimmen, die zusammen mit den politischen, gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen, technologischen und sonstigen Veränderungen in Kroatien ein Umdenken und Hinterfragen von lang- und kurzfristigen Erziehungs- und Bildungswerten bzw. -zielen sowie eine Reinterpretation deren Bedeutung notwendig machten. Die Werte sind in drei Kategorien eingeteilt: a) metapolitische Werte, die der sozialen Homogenisation dienen, b) Werte, die gesellschaftliche, zugleich jedoch auch Erziehungs- und Bildungsziele ausdrücken und c) Werte, die Persönlichkeits- oder Charaktereigenschaften versinnbildlichen. Die Autorin erörtert einige Werte/Ziele, die für Veränderungen im Erziehungs- und Bildungskontext relevant sind, wie z. B. Gleichheit, Kompetenz, Erfolg, Verantwortungsgefühl, Demokratie, Toleranz, Kompromissbereitschaft, und analysiert deren Bedeutung und Widersprüchichkeit. Im Hinblick darauf, dass die Schulen Hauptträger der Veränderungen und des moralischen Erneuerungs-prozesses sind, wird eine ethische Reflexion und Visualisierung von erzieherischen Bildungswerten und -zielen sowie eine Redefinition der Werte- und Zielhierarchie auf dieser Ebene erwartet.

Belgium,, een utopie voor de XXIste eeuw`/Philippe Van Parijs --Infectieziekten: terug van (nooit) weggeweest /Marc Van Ranst --Acculturatie is meer dan 'willen' alleen: de rol van emotionele acculturatie /Batja Mesquita --Wanneer worden avances in juridisch opzicht transgressies? /Liesbet Stevens --Asbestos: mineralen met een apart verhaal /Jan Elsen --Over tijd, geld en de huwelijksmarkt /Frederic Vermeulen --De impact van migratie op taal: historische overwegingen /Freek Van de Velde --Geluk, mindfulness en bijbelse wijsheid /Bénédicte Lemmelijn --Het menselijk antwoord op buitenaards leven /Leen Decin --Het gelaat tussen beeld en werkelijkheid: maatschappelijke uitdagingen /Constantinus Politis & Hilde Peeters --On the move: migratie als maatschappelijke uitdaging /Johan Wets --Iedereen supporter! het groepsvirus in ons brein /Filip Boen --Uitgewoonde woorden: over literatuur en dementie /Pieter Vermeulen --Het democratisch surplus van de Europese Unie /Steven Van Hecke & Wouter Wolfs.

The present article presents an actual discussion of topics concerning the use of language in academic (Flemish and Dutch-speaking) social- and political education, treating impact factor and web of science indexes motivating publishing in English, and the weight of cultural and scientific heritage influencing Dutch-language publications to continue to inform the public better. The article states that only by continuing to publish in English, Anglo-Saxon "dominance" in political publications can be countered, and challenge the ideas, concepts and practices expressed by the US and the UK. An article that goes right to the core of this particular revue, Res Publica being the only Dutch-language double blind peer reviewed journal in Dutch/Flemish political science. References. O. van Zijl