Suchergebnisse

Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.

Zagrebački Botanički vrt Prirodoslovno-matematičkog fakulteta sačuvan je u urbanističko-arhitektonskoj koncepciji u gotovo izvornom obliku, kako je izgrađen 1892. godine. Članak donosi sažeti prikaz specifične povijesne arhitekture koja je dio Vrta. Građevine su opisane na temelju istraživanja arhivske građe, analize sačuvanih prvotnih i novijih projekata te izvedenih građevina od nastanka Vrta. Obuhvaćene su sve za Botanički vrt značajne građevine: izložbeni staklenici, vrtlarska kuća, izložbeni paviljon, fiziološki laboratorij, javni zahod te bazeni s "vodometom", uresna ograda, mostić, sjenice i vodosprema. Vrijedna povijesna arhitektura postupno se obnavlja pod konzervatorskim nadzorom nadležne službe za zaštitu kulturnih dobara od 1998. godine do danas. ; Almost the entire original layout of the urban and architectural concept of the Zagreb Botanical Garden of the Faculty of Science has been preserved as it was conceived in 1889 by its founder, Prof. Antun Heinz, a professor of botany at the University of Zagreb. The Garden was designed and built in accordance with contemporary European standards for the design of botanical gardens. From its foundation until today, the Garden has retained its multiple purposes. As an integral part of the Faculty of Science of the University of Zagreb for more than a century, the Garden has played an extremely important role in university teaching and scientific research in the field of botany, as well as education of the general public. The Garden also has cultural, historical and touristic value for the city of Zagreb and the Republic of Croatia. Since it was founded, it has remained open to the public free of charge, providing visitors with numerous educational and popular activities. It is part of the Green Horseshoe in Donji grad, a cultural good inscribed in the Register of Cultural Goods of the Republic of Croatia as an original architectural achievement, and as a completed, urbanistic, architectural space in the form of a park in the centre of Zagreb, and also as a horticultural monument in the botanical-garden category. In the first decades after its foundation, a series of functional buildings and structures of park architecture, such as a gazebo, a lookout and small bridges on the lake, shelters and similar elements in various historic styles, were built in the Botanical Garden. As a permanent residence for gardeners, a garden house was built in 1890 in the west part of the Garden, in the direction of Savska cesta. Later, greenhouses were erected and the pavilion was transported from the Second Jubilee Exhibition of Economy and Forestry held in Zagreb in 1891. A rare example of a communal building, a public toilet for parks, based on the 1905 project by Milan Lenuci, has been preserved. The last two buildings were designed by professors from the Faculty of Architecture. In 1933, in the south part of the Garden, Prof. Juraj Denzler built the well of the City Water Supply Network, used by the Garden to this day; and, in 1942, along with the already-built physiological laboratory, Prof. Zvonimir Vrkljan started building the Division of Botany. Buildings, park architecture, parterre and installation network were reconstructed and renovated over the past twenty years in accordance with the defined priorities and conservation guidelines, projects and supervision of the City Institute for the Conservation of Cultural and Natural Heritage. Several selected examples present recent projects and renovations. Industrial development in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and new materials – iron and glass – enabled the construction of large halls illuminated from above. Constructors applied this type of knowledge to build greenhouses, essential for the successful cultivation of tropical, subtropical and Mediterranean plants in botanical gardens. Often, this type of old greenhouse is a valuable example of specific architectural heritage. A unique historical structure of this type is preserved in the Botanical Garden of the Faculty of Science in Croatia. Professor Dr. Antun Heinz took a sabbatical in 1889 and visited European botanical gardens in order to gather experience and the latest ideas he needed for the design and construction of the Botanical Garden of the University of Zagreb. He chose a situational solution, a combination of geometric and landscape style. He decided to design the largest part of the Garden in the landscape – or socalled English – style, with randomly planted groups of trees and shrubs, and curving paths. Only the parterre (ornamental flower beds), located in the west part of the Garden, was built in the French style, with a strict geometric and symmetrical ground plan. Around the long central axis, a conception typical of Baroque park heritage of the 17th and 18th centuries, he placed the main building of the Garden and the greenhouses with a geometric floral parterre with two symmetrical paths on each side, and most of that open surface is a free composition of the parterre with high and low greenery. The original shape of the exhibition greenhouses built at the end of the 19th century was preserved, but they were in very bad condition. Therefore, renovation was planned and is underway in order to restore the original condition of the complex of exhibition greenhouses. Fence around the Botanical Garden was gradually added as the city in the immediate vicinity of the Garden developed. In 1900, after the construction of the new street (today's Mihanović Street), the north fence of the Garden was built with the main entrance portal based on a design by the Royal Building Department of the Land Government, and then the east and west fence were built. Since the aesthetically shaped southern fence did not exist, it was designed as a public walkway with a pergola, and the construction began in 2018. The oldest fair building in Croatia was preserved in the Botanical Garden of the Department of Biology, Faculty of Science in Zagreb, and restored in 2007. The wooden pavilion was presented at the international exhibition in Vienna in 1890, and in Zagreb in 1891. In 1892, it was moved to the Garden as a building where plants susceptible to frost were kept during winter. Over time, the domes and façade were removed. However, the roof structure and the volume of the building were preserved, and all characteristic elements of the lining were found before the 2005 reconstruction. Based on sufficient data and archival photographs, it was possible to restore the exhibition pavilion to its original form. Reconstruction and renovation of the Botanical Garden complex and functional historic buildings will continue and contribute to the preservation of the complete historical architectural heritage in the park section of the Green Horseshoe of Zagreb Donji Grad.

Hrvatski planinar, časopis i službeno glasilo Hrvatskoga planinarskog saveza, počeo je izlaziti 1. lipnja 1898. godine, što ga čini jednim od najdugovječnijih svjetskih časopisa. Tijekom duga razdoblja njegova izlaženja prezenti-rana je velika količina, raznolikost i kvaliteta sadržaja, zbog čega može biti korišten kao jedinstven izvor u raznim disciplinama i znanostima. Polazeći od spomenutoga bogatstva koje se krije u tome časopisu, cilj je ovoga rada istražiti zastupljenost, prezentaciju i percepciju Učke u prvih sto godišta Hrvatskoga planinara, dakle obuhvaćeno je razdoblje od 1898. do 1998. godine. Na primjeru te planine izvrsno se ogleda kako velike društveno-političke promjene (u prvome redu ratovi) nisu utjecale samo na dinamiku izlaženja samoga časopisa nego i na njegov sadržaj. Naime Učka je planina "blizu granice", stoga nije i ne može biti shvaćena isključivo kao "običan" planinarski cilj, već je njezin status često pod utjecajem i brojnih drugih čimbenika koji nisu nužno planinarski, nego ulaze u područje gradnje nacionalnog, regionalnog, zavičajnog i političkog identiteta. ; Croatian Mountaineer, journal and official gazette of the Croatian Mountaineering Association, began publishing on June 1, 1898, making it one of the world's longest-running magazines. During the long period of its publication, a large amount, variety and quality of content has been presented, therefore it can be used as a unique source in various disciplines and sciences. Starting from the richness of contents gathered in this journal, the aim of this paper is to investigate the presence, presentation and perception of mountain Učka in the first hundred volumes of the Croatian Mountaineer, thus covering the period from 1898 to 1998. The example of this mountain shows perfectly how major socio-political changes (especially wars) not only affected the dynamics of the journal's publication itself but also its content. Namely, Učka is a mountain "near the border", so it is not and cannot be understood solely as an "ordinary" ...

In this paper we analyze attitudes of members of the legal professions in Croatia and Serbia with regards to the judicial systems – the trust in judicial institutions and satisfaction with their performance. In the first part of the paper we present arguments of the cultural and institutional approach to explaining the foundations of trust in institutions, then define the characteristics of a "good" judiciary in the context of the democratic rule of law, and present the socio-political context of judicial reform in both countries over the last twenty years. In the second, empirical part of the paper we analyze the data collected through the online survey conducted among members of the legal professions in 2018 in Croatia and Serbia. The results from both countries show a low level of trust in judiciary and deep dissatisfaction with the functioning of judiciary on a list of dimensions. Our analysis confirms the link between (dis)trust in institutions and (dis)satisfaction with their work and thus also the assumptions of the institutional perspective on trust. We conclude that the obtained results point to an "internal" crisis of trust in judiciary in both countries, which accompanies the evident "external" crisis of the Serbian judiciary and the latent tensions in and around the Croatian judiciary. ; U radu se analizira koliko pripadnici različitih pravničkih profesija u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji imaju povjerenja u institucije pravosudnih sustava i koliko su zadovoljni funkcioniranjem njihovih važnih dijelova. U prvom dijelu rada predstavljaju se argumenti kulturalističkog i institucionalnog pristupa u objašnjenju temelja povjerenja u institucije, određuju se karakteristike "dobrog" pravosuđa u kontekstu koncepta demokratske vladavine prava i daje se društveni kontekst provedbe pravosudnih reformi u obje zemlje u posljednjih dvadesetak godina. U drugom, empirijskom dijelu rada daje se prikaz rezultata analize podataka prikupljenih online anketnim istraživanjem provedenim 2018. godine u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Rezultati u ...

U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

U radu se na temelju empirijskog istraživanja (intervjui), provedenog u Bjelovaru 2017. g., analiziraju stavovi Albanaca u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji o njihovom dolasku te integraciji u lokalne zajednice i u hrvatsko društvo, kao i o oblicima i uspješnosti te integracije. U Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u zadnja tri popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.), udio Albanaca kreće se od 0,4% do 0,6% u ukupnoj populaciji županije, a njihov broj iznosi 608 (1991.), 755 (2001.) i 743 (2011.). U novom i drugačijem sociopolitičkom i kulturnom ambijentu, migranti uglavnom čine manjinsku populaciju, a njihov nacionalni identitet dolazi pritom u različita iskušenja. U slučaju Albanaca, postoje neke specifičnosti koje otežavaju integraciju u lokalne zajednice, ali doprinose unutargrupnoj koheziji i očuvanju nacionalnog identiteta. Najveća brana asimilaciji u njihovom slučaju je jezična različitost, a zatim set tradicionalnih vrijednosti i patrijarhalnih obrazaca, koji u sinergiji ovu nacionalnu zajednicu čine zatvorenijom u odnosu na većinu drugih takvih kolektiviteta. Provedeno empirijsko istraživanje (polustrukturirani intervjui), kao svoje ciljeve imalo je spoznaju stavova pripadnika albanske nacionalne manjine u županiji, te spoznaju o njihovom nacionalnom identitetu, problemima integracije u lokalno društvo (i šire, hrvatsko), te njihovu organiziranost u cilju sprječavanja asimilacije i očuvanja nacionalne posebnosti. Intervjuirano je ukupno osam ispitanika, pripadnika muške populacije, u dobi od 34 godine do 68 godine. Intervjuirani su rođeni u sljedećim naseljima: Prizren, Đakovica, Bobovac (Kosovo), Pakrac (Hrvatska), dok su njihova mjesta življenja: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, Predavac (Bjelovarsko-bilogorska županija). Odgovori ispitanika pokazuju da su Albanci uglavnom uspješno integrirani u naselja i gospodarski segment Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije. U Hrvatsku dolaze najviše iz socioekonomskih razloga, rješavanja posla i poboljšanja vlastite egzistencije u odnosu na mjesta i kraj iz kojeg su stigli u županiju. Načini dolaska su najčešće individualni i porodični, koji rezultiraju u konačnici lančanom migracijom, postupnim dolaskom članova uže i šire porodice. Integraciju u društvo su im olakšala i neka specifična zanimanja u kojima su Albanci vrlo umješni, kao što su pekari, slastičari i zlatari. Albanci su organizirani u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u kulturnoj i političkoj sferi, a važan činilac očuvanja njihovog nacionalnog identiteta je i obrazovanje, što se na prostoru županije manifestira kao korištenje C modela u obrazovanju učenika njihove nacionalne manjine. ; Based on the empirical research (interviews) conducted in Bjelovar in 2017, the paper analyzes the standpoints of the Albanians in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County on their settlement and integration in both local community and Croatian society, as well as on the forms and success thereof. In the last three censuses conducted in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County (in 1991, 2001, and 2011), the share of the Albanians ranged between 0.4% and 0.6% in the total county population, their number having amounted to 608 (in 1991), 755 (in 2001), and 743 (in 2011). In the new and different socio-political and cultural environment, migrants mainly form minority populations, whereby their national identity is tested in various ways. As the Albanians are concerned, there exist certain specificities, which, despite making the integration in local communities complicated, have contributed to the cohesion within the group and the preservation of national identity. The strongest hinderances to assimilation are – in their case – primarily linguistic diversity, and secondly a set of traditional values and patriarchal patterns; together, they have led to a larger-scale closeness of this national community in relation to the majority of other communities of this kind. The objective of the conducted empirical research (semi-structured interviews) was to determine the standpoints of the members of Albanian national minority in the county, awareness of their national identity, problems of integration in the local community (and Croatian society), and their high level of organization with the aim of preventing assimilation and preserving their national specificities. Eight respondents – members of male population between 34 and 68 years of age – have been interviewed. The respondents were born in the following towns/settlements: Prizren, Đakovica, and Bobovac (Kosovo), and Pakrac (Croatia); whereas their places of residence are as follows: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, and Predavac (in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County). The responds have shown that the Albanians have to the most part been successfully integrated in their places of residence and the economic segment of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Their settlement in Croatia has mostly been due to socio-economic reasons, with the aim of finding employment and advancing their own existence in comparison with the life they had had in their previous places of residence. The Albanians usually arrive in Croatia individually or as close families; this eventually results in chain migration – i.e. gradual arrival of members of wider families. The integration of the Albanians in the society has been made easier thanks to several specific professions they have mastered, such as bakers, pastry cooks and goldsmiths. The Albanians are in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County involved in both the cultural and the political spheres; a further major factor in preserving their national identity is education, manifested in this county by using the C model in the education of students – members of their national minority.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

In this article, the author relates the role of money & finances with the basic structuring of social relations. Money is the only universal form of social wealth, its measure & its meaning. Up to the present, however, the economic theory has been underestimating & overlooking money's politico-economic role. This is revealed most radically in periods of major financial & economic crises. Consequently, the author points out that today's economy of depression often depresses the economists themselves & their science. Bidet's theory of modernity, along with Habermas's, is the last large-scale attempt at theoretical explanation of the social totality, but his theoretical reconstruction of society by means of underlying "metastructures" is based on non-financial & non-monetary forms of social mediation. In contrast, the author of this article seeks to prove that precisely money & finances belong to the central metastructure of market society. What is important here is not only the subversive role of money as the monopoly-holding & political good in the exchange, but also its financial form of debt, resulting from the particular social role of debt accumulation. Society is connected with debt accumulation, & the economic sovereignty of money is its political legitimacy as debt. Therein lies its sociality, the foundation of underlying communication & of cooperation as metastructure of market society development. The present-day crisis has propelled the debt accumulation problem to absurd levels. It has brought to light that the greatest contradictions of today's market society are based on the economic & social globalization of finances. Contemporary capitalism is a genuine financial capitalism, which is why there can be no solution without a politico-economic & cultural reconstruction of the monetary regime & of financial economy. Accordingly, the author shows that the solution to the current economic crisis points precisely to the "metastructure" of market society. Adapted from the source document.

The source of the four centuries of controversies surrounding Althusius's Politics is not the work itself but its interpretations. The author argues that Althusius's political teaching is not controversial; further, its methodical nature is highly conducive to a theoretical debate about the political/theoretical & cultural tradition of thought in general. The author first identifies the fundamental concepts of Althusius's political thought, & the logic of his exposition in Politics. He shows that Althusius's work is a systematic -- methodically presented -- study of politics, defined as a way in which people unite to have a good life by means of the communicatio of things, services & rights. Consequently, political science deals with the real or ideal ways of this association & its results. Althusius was the first author who explicitly said that only a people as a whole may be sovereign. He also created a theoretical concept of popular sovereignty. That part of his teaching is Althusius's greatest & largely undisputed contribution to political thought. In the second part, the debate about the interpretation of the "controversial" fundamental tenets of Althusius's teaching is reviewed, the tenets that refer to the essence of human community & the character of its political organization. The author concludes that Althusius's work is a type of junction of the then "defeated," but today increasingly popular, ideas: communitarianism (vs individualism) & social solidarity (vs the one-sided maximalization of individual benefit), a kind of matrix-type structure of the social system (vs political-pyramidal), ie, the autonomy of its parts (vs the monolith centralist-state system). In the dawn of a new era, the elements of those traditions that were soon to be (temporarily) defeated, were systematically depicted in Althusius's epochal opus, whose internal potential is increasingly recognized as one of the most relevant provenances of modern political thought. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se analizira koliko pripadnici različitih pravničkih profesija u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji imaju povjerenja u institucije pravosudnih sustava i koliko su zadovoljni funkcioniranjem njihovih važnih dijelova. U prvom dijelu rada predstavljaju se argumenti kulturalističkog i institucionalnog pristupa u objašnjenju temelja povjerenja u institucije, određuju se karakteristike "dobrog" pravosuđa u kontekstu koncepta demokratske vladavine prava i daje se društveni kontekst provedbe pravosudnih reformi u obje zemlje u posljednjih dvadesetak godina. U drugom, empirijskom dijelu rada daje se prikaz rezultata analize podataka prikupljenih online anketnim istraživanjem provedenim 2018. godine u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Rezultati u obje zemlje pokazuju i nisku razinu povjerenja u institucije pravosudnog sustava i duboko nezadovoljstvo općim stanjem u pravosuđu i funkcioniranjem njegovih važnih dijelova. Pokazujući povezanost između (ne)povjerenja u institucije i (ne)zadovoljstva njihovim radom, analiza ide u prilog pretpostavkama institucionalne perspektive. Zaključujemo da dobiveni rezultati ukazuju na "unutarnju" krizu povjerenja u pravosuđu u obje zemlje koja prati evidentnu "izvanjsku" krizu srpskog pravosuđa i latentne napetosti u i oko hrvatskog pravosuđa. ; In this paper we analyze attitudes of members of the legal professions in Croatia and Serbia with regards to the judicial systems – the trust in judicial institutions and satisfaction with their performance. In the first part of the paper we present arguments of the cultural and institutional approach to explaining the foundations of trust in institutions, then define the characteristics of a "good" judiciary in the context of the democratic rule of law, and present the socio-political context of judicial reform in both countries over the last twenty years. In the second, empirical part of the paper we analyze the data collected through the online survey conducted among members of the legal professions in 2018 in Croatia and Serbia. The results from both countries show a low level of trust in judiciary and deep dissatisfaction with the functioning of judiciary on a list of dimensions. Our analysis confirms the link between (dis)trust in institutions and (dis)satisfaction with their work and thus also the assumptions of the institutional perspective on trust. We conclude that the obtained results point to an "internal" crisis of trust in judiciary in both countries, which accompanies the evident "external" crisis of the Serbian judiciary and the latent tensions in and around the Croatian judiciary.

Do prvih dodira lokalnog stanovništva s njemačkim jezikom, društvom i kulturom dolazi u Varaždinu već u srednjem vijeku zbog naseljavanja kraljevskih gostiju tzv. hospitesa, uglavnom iz njemačkog govornog područja. Daljnje naseljavanje Nijemaca, a time i preuzimanje njihova jezika i društveno-kulturoloških civilizacijskih stečevina, nastupa za vrijeme formiranja Vojne krajine. Vojnički i politički položaj za vrijeme Vojne krajine značio je za Varaždin prolaz njemačke i austrijske vojske, kao i doseljavanje njihovih oficira i administrativnih činovnika koji vode glavnu riječ u gradu i često zagorčavaju život lokalnom stanovništvu. U XIX. st. u Varaždinu se svi ugledniji građani, činovnici i aristokrati uglavnom služe njemačkim jezikom. U sklopu Habsburške Monarhije veze između Varaždinaca i Nijemaca se intenziviraju, dok u vremenu germanizacije i Bachova apsolutizma, Varaždin postaje pravi njemački grad u kojem se svi građani služe njemačkim kao službenim jezikom. Tek početkom I. svjetskog rata građani Varaždina više ne nalaze uzor u svemu što dolazi iz njemačkog govornog područja te se bilježi negativni trend opadanja broja stanovnika koji znaju i uče njemački jezik. ; The first contacts of local people and the German language, society and culture occurred in Varaždin in the Middle Ages, when royal guests, the so called hospites, arrived in the town from primarily German-speaking area. Further arrival of Germans, along with the influence of their language and socio-cultural features, dates back to the establishment of the Military Frontier. Due to the military and political position during the existence of the Military Frontier, German and Austrian armies did not only pass through Varaždin, but their officers and administration clerks also settled down there, representing the most influential people in the town who often caused trouble to the local people. In the nineteenth century, Varaždin's influential citizens, officers and aristocrats primarily spoke the German language. During the reign of the Habsburg Monarchy, the connections between Varaždin's people and the Germans became even more intense, moreover, during the period of Bach's Absolutism, Varaždin became a true German town, in which all inhabitants used German as the official language. When the First World War broke out, the people of Varaždin stopped looking up to everything originating from the German-speaking area, and for the first time the downward trend in the number of inhabitants who speak and study the German language occurred, which has continued until the present day.

U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.

S obzirom da je terorizam poslednjih godina prerastao u globalnu pretnju bezbednosti i alarmantnu vrstu nasilja u savremenom svetu, utvrđivanje njegove strukture, sadržine i uzroka, jedan je od ciljeva političkih, pravnih i bezbednosnih nauka. Terorizam u osnovi predstavlja istorijsku pojavu, koja je stara koliko i sama država, mada se često posmatra kao fenomen savremenog ljudskog društva. Međutim, savremeni oblici terorizma imaju sasvim novu dimenziju koja proističe iz različitih istorijskih, društvenoekonomskih i političkih razloga, kao i iz razvoja nauke i tehnologije.Iako terorizam predstavlja pošast savremenog civilizacijskog poretka, još uvek ne postoji jedna opšteprihvaćena i univerzalna definicija terorizma, s obzirom da sam pojam terorizam nije lako definisati. Terorizam ima mnoštvo pojavnih oblika, pa ga, sem složenosti, karakteriše i promenljivost. Značenje reči terorizam menjalo se tokom istorije, kako bi se prilagodilo riziku svakog narednog perioda, stoga nije nimalo iznenađujuće što je veoma teško odrediti trajniju definiciju ovog pojma. Takođe, jedan od razloga je što politika koju vode moćne države ima dvostruke standarde, a neke od njih čak koriste terorizam kako bi izazvale sukobe i nestabilnost u određenom regionu, ali bez učešća sopstvenih vojnih snaga. --- Given that terrorism in recent years has grown into a global threat to security and alarming form of violence in the modern world, the determination of its structure, content and causes, is one of the aims of political, legal and security studies. Terrorism is essentially an historical phenomenon that is as old as the state itself, although it is often seen as a phenomenon of human society. However, the current forms of terrorism are completely new dimension arising from different historical, socio-economic and political reasons, as well as the development of science and technology.Although scourge of terrorism is a modern civilized order, there is not yet a generally accepted and universal definition of terrorism, as the notion of terrorism is not easy to define. Terrorism has many forms, and it is, except the complexity, characterized with variability of the features. The meaning of terrorism changed the course of history, in order to accommodate the risk of any subsequent period, so it is not surprising that it is very difficult to determine the lasting definition of the term. Also, one of the reasons is that the politics of the powerful states has a double standard, and some of them even use terrorism to avoid potential conflicts and instability in a particular region, but without the involvement of its own military forces.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.