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The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu autorica prati početak procesa izrastanja bosanskohercegovačke sociokulturne politike 60-ih i početkom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća, čiji su inicijatori i protagonisti – političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Hercegovine i njemu bliska inteligencija – imali za cilj unutar idejno-političkih restrukturiranja koja su zahvatila Jugoslaviju u tom razdoblju i u kojem su republike, kao društveni i politički entiteti, zadobile puni legitimitet, političkom tijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, kao faktor njegove stabilnosti, osmisliti kulturni identitet. Fokus rada je na razvoju, idejnim metamorfozama i analizi diskursa kojim se nastoji utemeljiti zaseban jezični identitet bosanskohercegovačkoga društva i republike kao temelj njegova kulturnoga identiteta i emanacija njegove povijesne društvene osobitosti. Autorica u radu donosi prikaz povijesnoga konteksta iz kojega izrasta bosanskohercegovačka sociokulturna politika, tj. jezična politika kao njezin najvažniji segment, prikaz partijskih foruma te organizacijskih formi javnih rasprava preko kojih se utemeljuje, razvija i (pre)oblikuje idejni govor o bosanskohercegovačkoj društvenoj i kulturno-povijesnoj zasebnosti. ; In the 1960s, Bosnia and Herzegovina was a peripheral Yugoslav republic, lacking a distinctive cultural identity. In fact, advocates of Serbian-Croatian cultural unity perceived it as a mini Yugoslavia, the central part of the so-called Serbian-Croatian cultural space, in which the process of cultural rapprochement and integration of the Serbia and Croatian nations was to occur. The political leadership that came to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s wanted to change this ideological perception of their republic and establish its distinctive cultural identity as a support to its political identity and socio-political stability. Therefore, in the mentioned period, the cultural intelligentsia was encouraged towards a systematic, organised, and institutional production of discourse on the historical, cultural, literary, and linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the national identity of Muslims. All of this represents the inception of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian socio-cultural policy, whose important segment was literary-linguistic policy, initiated with the publication of the 'Declaration' and 'Suggestion', which intensified the Serbian-Croatian cultural dispute in Yugoslavia and highlighted the concept of national cultural unity. In this way, Bosnia and Herzegovina was threatened with destabilisation and social and cultural disintegration. Therefore, the republican leadership initiated the process of forming literary-linguistic principles, the most important of which was the existence of only one language in the Republic that was shared by all nationalities living inside its borders, and of standardising the Bosnian-Herzegovinian norm in public space. Public discussions about the linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised (e.g. the 'Symposium on Linguistic Tolerance'), a language institute was established as an institutional starting point for the scientific grounding of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian standard language expression and a discourse about it was developed, the publication of orthography manuals was planned, etc. The dynamics of Bosnian-Herzegovinian linguistic policy followed the dynamics of the Croatian linguistic and cultural separation. After the end of the Croatian Spring, a certain impasse regarding the realisation of this policy ensued, partially due to the repositioning of the power relations of the conceptual forces, thanks to which the linguistic centralists who advocated Serbian-Croatian unity regained their influence. The Council of Mostar, which was organised with the goal of evaluating the achieved results, pointed to the fact that, in the 1967–1973 period, the linguistic policy of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian leadership had had a very weak impact on the socio-political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as on the creation of a separate cultural identity of the central Yugoslav republic.

Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj rada jest identificiranje europskih društveno-kulturnih i odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti koje, uz političke, društvene, kulturne, tehnološke i druge promjene u Hrvatskoj, dovode do potrebe preispitivanja i promišljanja dugoročnih i kratkoročnih odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te do razumijevanja i interpretacije njihovih značenja. Vrijednosti su kategorizirane u tri skupine: a) metapolitičke vrijednosti, koje služe socijalnoj homogenizaciji, b) vrijednosti koje izražavaju društvene, a istodobno i odgojno-obrazovne ciljeve i c) vrijednosti koje odražavaju svojstva osobnosti ili karaktera. Autorica razmatra neke vrijednosti/ciljeve relevantne za promjene u odgojno‐obrazovnom kontekstu kao što su jednakost, kompetentnost, uspjeh, odgovornost, demokracija, tolerancija, kompromis, njihova značenja i proturječnosti. S obzirom na to da su škole temeljni nositelji promjene i procesa remoralizacije, očekuje se etička refleksija i vizualizacija odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te (re)definiranje hijerarhije vrijednosti i ciljeva na njihovoj razini. ; The aim of this study is to identify European socio-cultural and educational values which, together with political, social, cultural, technical and other changes in Croatia, require reconsideration and deliberation of the long-term and short-term educational values and goals, as well as understanding and interpretation of their meanings. The values are categorized in three groups: a) metapolitical values serving the purpose of social homogenization, b) values expressing social and at the same time educational goals, and c) values representing the characteristics of personality and character. The author examines some of the values/goals relevant for the changes in the educational context, such as equality, competence, success, responsibility, democracy, tolerance, compromise, and their meanings and inconsistencies. Given that schools are the basic bearers of change and of the process of remoralization, the ethical reflection and visualization of educational values and goals and the (re)definition of the hierarchy of values and goals is expected on their level. ; Diese Arbeit setzt sich zum Ziel, europäische soziale, kulturelle und erzieherische Bildungswerte zu bestimmen, die zusammen mit den politischen, gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen, technologischen und sonstigen Veränderungen in Kroatien ein Umdenken und Hinterfragen von lang- und kurzfristigen Erziehungs- und Bildungswerten bzw. -zielen sowie eine Reinterpretation deren Bedeutung notwendig machten. Die Werte sind in drei Kategorien eingeteilt: a) metapolitische Werte, die der sozialen Homogenisation dienen, b) Werte, die gesellschaftliche, zugleich jedoch auch Erziehungs- und Bildungsziele ausdrücken und c) Werte, die Persönlichkeits- oder Charaktereigenschaften versinnbildlichen. Die Autorin erörtert einige Werte/Ziele, die für Veränderungen im Erziehungs- und Bildungskontext relevant sind, wie z. B. Gleichheit, Kompetenz, Erfolg, Verantwortungsgefühl, Demokratie, Toleranz, Kompromissbereitschaft, und analysiert deren Bedeutung und Widersprüchichkeit. Im Hinblick darauf, dass die Schulen Hauptträger der Veränderungen und des moralischen Erneuerungs-prozesses sind, wird eine ethische Reflexion und Visualisierung von erzieherischen Bildungswerten und -zielen sowie eine Redefinition der Werte- und Zielhierarchie auf dieser Ebene erwartet.

What is the state of consciousness of modernity presently like? Is modernity as out of date as is claimed by neoconservatism in general & the postmodernists in particular? Neoconservatists accuse modern culture of undermining the ethical foundations of social life. The author shows that neoconservatism does not understand the relation between culture & society, & that it ascribes to cultural modernity the pathological syndromes (hedonism, narcissism, loss of identity) which are, in fact, the product of capitalist modernization of economy & society. Through money & power, the systemic imperatives of market economy & of the bureaucratic state gravely endanger the world of life & the process of cultural reproduction & social integration. Thus, it is solely through distinction between societal & cultural modernization that one can also understand the pathological effects resulting from the sphere of culture itself. While societal modernization is characterized by a growing autonomy of purposefully rational activity (in market economy & administration), which leads to colonization of the world of life, cultural modernization is marked by an increasing differentiation of cultural value spheres (science, morality, art) based on varied aspirations to validity (truth, rightness, authenticity) & by a differentiation of structures of rationality (cognitive-instrumental, moral-practical, aesthetic). Conservative critics of the aporiae of modern culture reject the entire project of modernity, advocating either a return to pre-modernism, or a step forward into postmodernity, or else mere anti-modernity (philosophers such as Nietzsche, Heidegger, Bataille, Foucault, Derrida). In contrast to them, the author sees the potentials of modernity in the protection & development of the sphere of communicational rationality against the systemic imperatives of economy & of the state, in the reestablishment of links between the spheres of science, morality & art, & in connecting the corresponding expert cultures with the communicational practice of the world of life. Thus perceived, modernity is still an unfinished project, which encompasses historical emancipatory potentials only as a differentiated reactive linkage of modern culture with everyday practice, only if societal modernization can also be steered down other non-capitalist paths, if the world of life can develop out of itself institutions limited by the dynamics of the economic & administrative system. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that Haberle's theory of the constitution is a science of culture, opposed to formalism, decisionism, positivism, & statism. It is based on the continuity & the relationship among culture-building, law, & state. The subjects of the constitution-formative authority are mutually culturally linked citizens who decide on the objectively given subject-matter & procedures. The theory of the constitution as a science of culture is based on the assumption that serious conflicts among the open societies of Western Europe are highly unlikely. This represents a significant departure from the positivist theory of the state grounded in the conflict of interests & opinions as well as the strong regulatory role of the state. The author challenges Haberle's disregard for the crisis potential of modern societies & proposes that these two opposed theories should complement each other. The author goes on to describe Haberle's research method, which includes an analysis of both the cultural context & the normative/constitutional solutions. He applies this research method to the constitutional laws of Germany, Switzerland, & Austria, & also when comparing large & small states, or developed & underdeveloped ones. Haberle espoused Taylor's definition of culture: culture & civilization are equated so that the systems of culture are on the one hand products of activity, & on the other the conditioning element of future activity. According to Haberle, the culture of a community starts from the traditional, innovative & pluralist aspects that are the orientation points for constitutional science as a science of culture. Regarding tradition, culture is mediation of things past. The innovative aspect is based on the idea that culture is a further development of things past. Since culture is not uniform, its pluralist aspect should not be forgotten. Thus the citizens of a democratic constitutional state make up the cultural/anthropological premise, while the state is only one aspect of the constituted res publica. The constitutional state today goes beyond the scope of the national state since the regional European constitutional state has been evolving together with the outlines of "the world community of constitutional states.". 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped & armed merchant ship ready to circumnavigate & conquer the globe, created the modern world with one side only: the globalized West. Contemporary global liberal interventionism & governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through unidirectional cascades. For real globalization, this process has to be bidirectional at least: from the center to the periphery, but also from the periphery to the center. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" & a "great cycle," there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated -- once again because of the weakness of the world-system peripheries. The question of how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural, & political processes of the bidirectional kind is becoming the central global & strategic issue for today's politics & political science. It has turned out that this kind of state & its processes in the real global environment could be successfully analyzed & effectively made use of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together -- & more. As such, they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political & economic action through a whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world market "niche," & never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a globalized or a mega-national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European & Mediterranean cultural & politological traditions, such Croatian interests will not be accomplished. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

Zdenac (Izdenc, today Zdenci) was in the Middle Ages a specific territorial unit which had initially been an integral part of the Somogy County, afterwards (from the second half of the 13th century) it was part of the Garić County. The big road leading to Virovitica traversed this area and as a travel route it dated back to antiquity when it had been one of the most important routes connecting the Posavina and Podravina main road. In the Middle Ages the most significant settlements alongside this road were Donji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the square, the castrum and the parish church were registered, and Gornji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the parish church and later the castrum were mentioned. Alongside the same road, more westward, there was the Parish Church of St. Stephen the King attached to the adjacent settlement Crna Rijeka, which was situated in the area of Ilovski Klokočevac. On basis of a military map from the 18th century, the text recommends the precise location of two more churches mentioned in the sources of Zdenci from the 14th century – the Church of King St. Stephen (south of Grubišno Polje) and the Church of St. Nicholas (between Mala Barna and Mala Peratovica). Because of the toponym Sesvete, it is also suggested that All Saints' Church be located here; it was mentioned in the 16th century, to the left side of the Ilova River, between Veliki Zdenci and Končanica. ; Zdenac je u srednjem vijeku činio određenu teritorijalnu cjelinu koja se prvo nalazila u sklopu velikog Šomođskog komitata, a zatim (od druge polovice 13. stoljeća) u sklopu Komitata Garić. Ovim područjem prolazila je velika cesta prema Virovitici, koja kao prometni pravac kontinuira iz razdoblja antike kada je bila jedan od značajnih pravaca što su povezivali posavsku i podravsku magistralu. Uz tu su cestu u srednjem vijeku nastala kao značajnija naselja Donji Zdenac, gdje se u 13-14. stoljeću spominju trg, kastrum i župna crkva, te Gornji Zdenac – gdje se u 13-14. st. spominje župna crkva, a kasnije i ...