Democratic politics, democratic culture
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 567-580
ISSN: 0030-4387
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In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 567-580
ISSN: 0030-4387
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 567-580
ISSN: 0030-4387
World Affairs Online
In: European view: EV, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 210-217
ISSN: 1865-5831
Among those countries that faced the so-called Arab Spring in 2011, Tunisia is the last one for which hope for a successful democratic transition remains justified. However, the country's comparatively favourable institutional evolution has led to a dangerous complacency not only in Europe but across the West. While important reforms have been implemented, democracy has so far failed to fulfil the high expectations it has raised within the population. Tunisians' discontent with their living conditions and the new system's perceived inability to deliver are fundamental threats to the country's transition. This article argues that the EU has a major interest in making Tunisia a democratic and socio-economic success story, as failure would not only constitute a lost opportunity to create a role model in the region but would also jeopardise European security interests. The EU should therefore provide more substantial support with the aim of realising socio-economic improvements in Tunisia.
In: Democratization in the Global South
In: Theoria: a journal of social and political theory, Band 53, Heft 111
ISSN: 1558-5816
In: Theoria: a journal of social and political theory, Heft 111, S. 6-44
ISSN: 0040-5817
In: The British journal of politics & international relations: BJPIR, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 395-408
ISSN: 1467-856X
The complaint that many professional politicians lack integrity is common. However, it is unclear what such a judgement amounts to. Taking various codes of political ethics in the United Kingdom as my starting point, I examine the extent to which we can understand political integrity as a matter of politicians adhering to the obligations that official codes of ethics prescribe and, in a more general sense, the public-service ethos that underpins these codes. I argue that although this way of approaching the issue usefully draws our attention to an important class of positional duties that apply to politicians, commitment to principled political causes plays a further, indispensable role in coherent assessments of political integrity. In consequence, I claim that politicians of integrity succeed in furthering their deepest political commitments while avoiding malfeasance or misconduct. As such, the ascription of political integrity can often only be made when assessing a long train of action.
The complaint that many professional politicians lack integrity is common. However, it is unclear what such a judgement amounts to. Taking various codes of political ethics in the United Kingdom as my starting point, I examine the extent to which we can understand political integrity as a matter of politicians adhering to the obligations that official codes of ethics prescribe and, in a more general sense, the public-service ethos that underpins these codes. I argue that although this way of approaching the issue usefully draws our attention to an important class of positional duties that apply to politicians, commitment to principled political causes plays a further, indispensable role in coherent assessments of political integrity. In consequence, I claim that politicians of integrity succeed in furthering their deepest political commitments while avoiding malfeasance or misconduct. As such, the ascription of political integrity can often only be made when assessing a long train of action.
BASE
In: Contemporary Political Movements and the Thought of Jacques Rancière, S. 134-158
In: Contemporary politics, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 91-93
ISSN: 1356-9775
In: Athenea Digital: Revista de Pensamiento e Investigacion Social, Heft 9, S. 58-64
In the article I present a reflection around the radical democratic project proposed by Chantal Mouffe & Ernesto Laclau. Specifically, I examine the application of the project in the context of the 'new social movements' & especially, of feminist movement. I state the need of drawing attention to universalism & essentialism as the main obstacles to generate a collective proposal without margins. Nevertheless, doubts remind about the possibility of building up a feminism tailored by the radical democratic project, in a stage in which the political action of such a movement is characterized by categories that are closed & crystallized.
In: Democratization in the Global South, S. 3-20
In: SEMI-CITIZENSHIP IN DEMOCRATIC POLITICS, New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009
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