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Beijing's political 'charm offensive' in Africa has ostensibly made China a major player on the continent. The source of this success in China's African policy is sometimes seen in China's political and economic 'attractiveness'. It is true that China is building a positive image targeted to the audience in Africa, promoting for example the vision of 'win-win' mutual economic benefits from cooperation. This endeavour is close to the concept of 'soft power'. However, soft power is about dynamic relationships between an agent and the subject of attraction. Hence, the general growth of Chinese soft power and its success depends not only on whether China can sell its image to African states, but also whether African states are willing to buy this. Adapted from the source document.

Does soft power positively influence international affairs? -- Overview: Public diplomacy is changing the nature of international relations / Jan Melissen -- Soft power strengthens emerging powers / Francesca Centracchio -- Soft power has real impact around the world / David Ensor -- Soft power benefits strong states more than others / Melissa Nisbett -- Soft power cannot counter hard power / Michael Cecire -- There is no evidence culture shapes international affairs / Deborah Bull -- Is diplomacy an effective way to engage with hostile states? -- Overview: Soft power is one of many ways to counter hostile states / Robert McMahon -- Power can transform how countries see one another / Mark Leonard -- Soft power creates stronger relationship than hard power / John Weinbrenner -- Hard power is necessary to become a leading state / Allison Fedirka -- Soft power cannot replace hard power / Colin S. Gray -- Has social media had a positive influence on diplomacy? -- Overview: Social media is a new frontier for public diplomacy / Clifton Martin and Laura Jagla -- Social media opens opportunities for US-Middle Eastern relations / William Rugh -- Social media is an important tool of public diplomacy / Constance Duncombe -- Social media undermines diplomacy / Luis Gomez Romero -- Social media can be too informal to be effective / Michelle Bovée -- Can diplomacy and hard power be used together? -- Overview: The use of power requires many tools / Aigerim Raimzhanova -- Hard and soft power both have a role to play / William Inboden -- Diplomacy is strengthened by military power / Sen. Rand Paul and Isaac Applbaum -- Diplomacy is more effective than military force / Phyllis Bennis -- Hard power can undermine diplomacy / Nathan Gardels.

"Faced with external competition, the Kremlin is preoccupied with reviving internal foundations for Russia's soft power appeal." Second in a series on soft power around the world.

The article analyzes different aspects of the "soft power" of Russia. The author affirms that in this field the country doesn't have well defined strategies policy. To Russia has the excellent potential for the promotion of its positive image. This potential is primarily due to the famous Russian science, literature, music and art. But this "natural"potential has to be used in the national interests abroad. In recent years the Russian government has made some important steps in cultural diplomacy, in particular for the promotion of Russian language and supporting Russian Diaspora. However, much more has to be done not only in these directions, but also in propaganda and counterpropaganda to meet information pressure against Russia. In this connection, to form properly all directions of the policy of "soft power", is desirable to use the experience of other countries. The states who pretend to have an important place in the world, consider "soft power" as a strategic policy aiming to strengthen their geopolitical positions. In this context the author offers some suggestions concerning different organizational aspects. Special attention is given to the coordination of the activities of all structures involved in the policy of "soft power ".

В статье рассматривается роль языка как специфического инструмента «soft power» в контексте осуществления внешней политики. На примере Азербайджана анализируется потенциал использования иностранных языков (русского и английского) с целью продвижения национальных интересов на международной арене как внешними акторами, так и представителями государственных органов и гражданского общества Азербайджанской Республики. ; This article examines the role of the language as a specific tool of "soft power" in the context of realization of foreign policy. The potential of the use of foreign languages (Russian and English) for the promotion of the national interests in the international arena both by external actors and by the representatives of government and civil society has been analyzed in the example of Republic of Azerbaijan.

AbstractWhat has been dubbed "China's rise" has been met with trepidation or outright fear. The increasing economic and political power of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is often read as a harbinger of the West's imminent decline, and as a threat to a Western dominated global order. To match its growing 'hard' power, leaders in China have outlined intentions to cultivate the country's soft power, or its appeal and influence globally. These efforts too have been read in largely negative terms in a body of literature that has sprung up around Chinese soft power. Yet, these works tend to assume negative implications without being grounded in empirical research. The contributors to this issue were tasked with reconsidering China's soft power in the light of research which attends to the ideas and practices of its mediums – mediums such as the expansion of China's global media network, the opening of Confucius Institutes around the world, and the increasing presence of Chinese popular culture in global forums. This introduction, in particular, considers some of the lessons that considerations of Chinese soft power can learn from the field of global studies.

When people are asked the question, what is the source of Saudi Arabia's power, who would cite factors other than oil? This equation of Saudi power exclusively with its oil wealth is mistaken. Historically, a principal and the most consistent source of Saudi power at the domestic, regional and global levels has not been revenues from oil, but the cultural power that inheres in a nation that is both the capital of the Muslim and Arab worlds. This soft power accounts for as much, if not more, of Saudi influence than even oil itself. To a large extent, this power explains why Saudi Arabia has remained stout in the face of the shock waves of the Arab Spring. Saudi soft power also accounts for much of the leverage that the Kingdom enjoys in its region and the world at large. This article assesses the principal sources of Saudi Arabia's soft power, discusses the modern day international, regional and domestic challenges facing Saudi Arabia, and finally analyzes how Saudi soft power can effectively deal with those challenges.

Seit der Annexion der Krim und dem Beginn des Krieges im Donbass gehören die polnischen Politiker zu den schärfsten Kritikern der Außenpolitik des russischen Präsidenten Wladimir Putin. Daraus ergeben sich zwei Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens: Polen müsste sich eigentlich unter ständigem Beschuss durch die russische Desinformationsmaschinerie befinden, deren Ziel die Veränderung der öffentlichen Meinung über Russland ist. Zweitens scheint die polnische Öffentlichkeit den tatsächlichen Aktivitäten der russischen soft power besser als viele andere Länder Mittel- oder Westeuropas zu widerstehen. Abseits vom Mainstream bestehen allerdings zahlreiche Zirkel, die das Narrativ des Kreml in Polen verbreiten. Ein Teil von ihnen erhält dafür Geld, aber die Mehrheit der Personen macht hier kein finanzielles Interesse geltend, sondern folgt den eigenen ideologischen Beweggründen. Sie finden sich sowohl im Lager der extremen Rechten als auch der extremen Linken, doch es dominiert hier das rechte Lager.

Seit der Annexion der Krim und dem Beginn des Krieges im Donbass gehören die polnischen Politiker zu den schärfsten Kritikern der Außenpolitik des russischen Präsidenten Wladimir Putin. Daraus ergeben sich zwei Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens: Polen müsste sich eigentlich unter ständigem Beschuss durch die russische Desinformationsmaschinerie befinden, deren Ziel die Veränderung der öffentlichen Meinung über Russland ist. Zweitens scheint die polnische Öffentlichkeit den tatsächlichen Aktivitäten der russischen soft power besser als viele andere Länder Mittel- oder Westeuropas zu widerstehen. Abseits vom Mainstream bestehen allerdings zahlreiche Zirkel, die das Narrativ des Kreml in Polen verbreiten. Ein Teil von ihnen erhält dafür Geld, aber die Mehrheit der Personen macht hier kein finanzielles Interesse geltend, sondern folgt den eigenen ideologischen Beweggründen. Sie finden sich sowohl im Lager der extremen Rechten als auch der extremen Linken, doch es dominiert hier das rechte Lager.