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How does the Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy Dr. Benita Ferrero-Waldner view international relations, and especially the role that the European Union (EU) takes in them? This paper argues that in Commissioner Ferrero's worldview, the international system is a hierarchical order in which the importance of third countries is determined by their economic weight, geographical vicinity, and their willingness to co-operate with the EU. While this worldview hardly differs from traditional conceptions of power politics, what is peculiar about Ferrero's worldview is that the EU is ready to co-operate with every single state, and she spells out the conditions that the EU expects each third-country to fulfil. Her broad concept of security coincides with that of Human Security. Threats emanate from phenomena rather than from states or human volition, and her conception of mankind is positive. At the same time, power is defined in terms of economic wealth. The EU's international role is best described as a soft-power which exerts its leverage in a non-coercive manner, partly through a strategic use of its panoply of means, partly by virtue of its magnetism. Still, Ferrero is conscious of the EU's limitations, and her optimism is tempered by her modest estimation of EU leverage when it comes to 'hard security'—the Middle East or nuclear proliferation.

This article argues that "soft constraints" are a critical and overlooked complement to formal limitations on an agency's independence. Two types of soft constraints that have been influential checks throughout the history of the Federal Reserve illustrate their power. The first, principled norms, are broadly agreed upon standards as to how the Fed ought to act in a given set of circumstances. As reflected in frequent invocations of the real bills doctrine, Bagehot's dictum, and the Taylor rule, principled norms both shape Fed action and provide a frame for assessing those actions, A second important soft constraint is the reputation of the Fed Chair. Fed Chairs often serve for exceptionally long periods, exercise significant influence while in office, and are held accountable, by politicians, the press and academics, for actions the Fed takes while they are in office. Although neither of these constraints is perfect or perfectly binding, they are critical complements to the more commonly recognized mechanisms for constraining agency discretion. The article further suggests that soft constraints may be particularly important in settings, like central banking, where there are drawbacks to relying too heavily on formal tools to enhance accountability.

Managerial competence expressed in the promise of science provides administrators with a set of dispositions. In attempting to achieve such a character, the Supreme Court set up a hard look orientation that used rational means to justify the substance of administrative power. Even though this mode of operation grants legitimacy resulting from meeting a high threshold, it also began to cripple administrative reasoning and movement. When problems are multifaceted, administrative character must be given room to explore. Taking this into consideration, the court also established an alternative space rooted in a soft look that encouraged a different type of administrative character. It has done this by establishing the foundations of a legal framework that privileges deference, which allows for prudence to emerge. Rooted in classical origin and updated in modern parlance, prudence can be leveraged as a way to not only deal with questions of law but also with substance.

DergiPark: 867202 ; klujfeas ; Geleneksel diplomasi kadar önem kazanmış ve uluslararası sistemi etkileyen kavramlardan birisi de kamu diplomasisidir. Soğuk Savaş sırasında devletlerin imajının ön plana çıkması ve iki kutuplu savaşta Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin Sovyetler Birliği karşısında avantaj elde etmesi, kamu diplomasisinin ve yumuşak gücün önemini göstermiştir. Türkiye, AK Parti hükümetiyle birlikte dış politika araçlarından kamu diplomasisinin yumuşak güç faktörüne önem vermiş ve çevre bölgelere karşı bir merkez devlet konumunda olabilmek adına bu politikalara ağırlık vermiştir. Uluslararası sistemin çok hızlı dönüşüm geçirmesi ve bölgesel gelişmeler sonucunda Türkiye'nin sert güç kavramına önem gösterdikten sonra uluslararası sistemde oluşan negatif imaj durumunu özellikle COVID-19 ile pozitif hale dönüştürebilmek adına kamu diplomasisinde yumuşak gücünü öne çıkarmaya çalışmıştır. ; One of the concepts that has gained importance as much as traditional diplomacy and affects the international system is public diplomacy. During the Cold War, the prominence of the image of the states and the advantage of the United States over the Soviet Union in the bipolar war showed the importance of public diplomacy and soft power. Turkey, on behalf of the public diplomacy tool of foreign policy together with the AK Party government has given importance to the soft power factor and to be in a position against the periphery of the central government has given weight to these policies. After showing the importance the international system very fast conversion goals and to Turkey's rigid concept of power as a result of regional developments have studied the negative image condition that occurs in the international system, especially in order to render the positive COVID-19 to raise the soft power of public diplomacy.

This article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.

This article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.

В статье рассматриваются возможности, которыми обладает система образования в контексте реализации политики «мягкой силы». Выполнен сравнительный анализ использования системы образования как инструментa мягкой силы в «западном» и «незападном» мире. Также рассмотрены роль и место высшего образования и образовательного процесса в целом в связи с «мягкой силой». Международное образование продолжает набирать признание правительств и образовательных учреждений в качестве одного из инструментов «мягкой силы». Положительный опыт передвижения студентов и развития интеллектуальных коммерческих и социальных отношений на отдельных уровнях резонирует с современной концепцией «мягкой силы», где ценности, культура и идеи играют важную роль в определении влияния на глобальном уровне. В статье приводится анализ высшего образования с позиции «мягкой силы» в России и Армении. От того, насколько привлекательно будет выстроен институт образования, включающий не только сам процесс обучения, но и формальные и неформальные процедуры, традиции и практики, сопутствующие ему, зависит не только возможность качественного обучения собственных студентов, их умственное развитие, моральное обогащение, профессиональный рост, но и перспективы приобщения студентов других государств к собственной культурно-ценностной системе. Нет никаких сомнений в том, что международное высшее образование резко изменилось за последние два десятилетия. Это касается не только студентов и учёных, субъектов физического характера, которые передвигаются через границы, но и программ, провайдеров, проектов и политики в целом. Спектр высшего образования характеризуется международными совместными научно-исследовательскими проектами, бинациональными университетами, мультинациональными сетями в области образовательной политики, глобальными программами обмена, региональными и международными центрами образования. В тесно взаимосвязанном и взаимозависимом мире высшее образование является каналом для трансграничного потока и обмена людей, знаний, опыта, ценностей, инноваций, экономики, технологий и культуры. ; The article considers the capabilities, the system of education in the context of the policy of "soft power". The comparative analysis of the educational system as an instrument of soft power in the "Western" and "non-Western" world is implemented. Role and place of higher education and the educational process as a whole, in connection with the "soft power" is discussed. International education continues to gain recognition of governments and educational institutions as a major contribution to the "soft power". The positive experience of the student exchange programs and the development of intelligent commercial and social relations at individual levels resonate with the modern concept of "soft power", where the values, culture and ideas play an important role in determining the impact on the global level. The article provides an analysis of higher education in terms of "soft power" in Russia and Armenia. Not only a possibility of qualitative teaching of their own students, their intellectual development, moral enrichment, professional growth but also the perspectives of familiarizing the students from other countries with their own cultural-value system depend on the way the Institute of Education is built, which includes not only the very process of learning but also formal and informal procedures, traditions and practices, that accompany it. There is no doubt that the international higher education has changed dramatically over the past two decades. It is not only students and researchers, the subjects of a physical nature, which move across borders, it is also software providers, projects and policies in general. The range of higher education is characterized by joint international research projects, binational universities, multi-national networks in the field of education policy, global exchange programs, regional and international educational centers. In a closely interconnected and interdependent world, higher education is a channel for cross-border flow and exchange of people, knowledge, experience, values, innovations, economy, technology and culture.

This article aims to provide an analysis of China's cultural diplomacy (CCD) in Malaysia in the latter years of the premiership of Najib Razak (2015-2018). It intends to reflect on the efforts China has been exerting in order to increase its soft power in the Southeast Asian nation. The authors have identified and analyzed four major fields of CCD: the activities of two Confucius Institutes; the first overseas campus of a renowned Chinese university; invocations of shared history, embodied mainly by the figure of the legendary admiral-eunuch Zheng He, regularly commemorated as China's historic envoy of peace; and Malay translations of classical Chinese novels. The article's findings reveal an intricate pattern of networks involving various actors, both Chinese and Malaysian, state, semi-state, and non-state, pursuing their own particular interests, which tend to converge and overlap with the aims of Chinese cultural diplomacy. The implementation of CCD has also been formed by the local political and societal structures: a) a 'special' relation between Razak's cabinet and the PRC leadership, revolving around party-based diplomacy and intensive economic cooperation especially between 2015 and May 2018; b) the presence of a large Chinese community, which provides opportunities and, at the same time, creates limitations for the China´s cultural diplomacy practice in Malaysia.

The EU, which is commonly referred as a soft power, is facing various challenges that limit its effectiveness in the international scene, most importantly in the Western Balkans. The transformative capacity of its soft power is not properly utilized in this region. This article explores the challenges to the EU's soft power and evaluates possible ways for the Union to maintain its effectiveness adding new dimensions to its foreign policy in the area–specifically in the Western Balkans region. The primary issue addressed by this article deals with the immediate changes facing the EU as a soft power today. Given the fact that political mechanisms that EU has utilized have proved to be ineffective in promoting stability, democracy peace in its area, alternatives should be considered. Meanwhile, a decade ago Turkey has proven its capacity to influence Western Balkan countries by creating and consolidating its soft power through various ways. However under the most present circumstances an economically weak Turkey is nothing but an actor which attempts to strengthen its relationship with Western Balkans countries

By applying the realist, liberal and constructivist approaches to International Relations, in the light of the position the European Union holds in world politics, we are going to answer the question whether the aforementioned theoretical approaches see (do not see) a global actorness for the European Union. Each of the approaches answers the question of the EU's own manifestation of its actor capacity-by means of using the concepts of the hard, the soft, and the normative power in the analysis. This shall be a way to investigating the degree of EU's (global) actorness, as well as to testing its actorness through the actual implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy via the three aforementioned concepts of power. ; Primenjujući realističke, liberalističke i konstruktivističke pristupe međunarodnim odnosima, a u svetlu položaja koji Evropska unija zauzima u svetskoj politici, pokušaćemo da odgovorimo na pitanje da li ti pristupi vide (ne vide) globalno akterstvo Evropske unije. Svaki od pristupa daje različit odgovor na pitanje kako Unija ispoljava svoj (akterski) kapacitet - kroz tvrdu, meku ili normativnu moć. Na ovaj način je moguće ispitati stepen razvoja (globalnog) akterstva Evropske unije i testirati njeno akterstvo posredstvom sprovođenja zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike, a uz pomoć tri pomenuta vida moći.