Suchergebnisse

Namen tega magistrskega dela je raziskati, kaj se dogaja z moderno nacionalno državo in konceptom suverenosti in samoodločbe. V svetu in v Evropi je danes vse več narodov, ki si želijo samostojnosti oziroma odcepitve bodisi od držav, v katerih živijo, bodisi od naddržav, katerim pripadajo. Najbolj aktualen primer je izstop Združenega kraljestva Velike Britanije in Severne Irske iz Evropske unije (EU) (brexit ). To bo prvi izstop iz EU, saj do uvedbe Lizbonske pogodbe leta 2009 možnost izstopa države članice iz EU ni bila nikjer jasno urejena. Po uvedbi izstopne klavzule pa ni več nobenega dvoma, ali je izstop iz EU mogoč ali ne. Zato magistrsko delo podrobno analizira, kaj bo prinesla sprožitev člena 50 Pogodbe o Evropski uniji (PEU) in razčleni postopek izstopa Združenega kraljestva iz EU. Osredotoči se na bodoče odnose med Združenim kraljestvom in EU ter predstavi različne možne oblike sodelovanja med Združenim kraljestvom in EU po izstopu ; razišče vpliv referenduma o neodvisnosti na odnose in razmerja med različnimi skupnostmi in narodi znotraj Združenega kraljestva ; prihodnost Združenega kraljestva kot zvezne države in ponovna prizadevanja Škotov za državnost in neodvisnost ter morebitno združitev Severne Irske z južno sosedo Irsko. Vleče vzporednice med "osamosvajanjem" Britanije, odcepitvijo Slovenije od bivše Socialistične federativne republike Jugoslavije , odhodom danske avtonomne pokrajine Grenlandije iz EU ter primerja njihove izkušnje in uporabo pravice do samoodločbe. Delo torej obravnava eno izmed trenutno najbolj aktualnih tem na svetovni ravni, ki bo nedvomno vplivala na usodo in razvoj številnih narodov. ; The purpose of my master's thesis is to examine what is happening with the modern national state and the concept of sovereignty and self-determination. In Europe, and globally, there is an historic trend of nations seeking independence or secession, either from the states in which they live, or from the "super-states" of which they are part of. The most recent example is the exit of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (brexit ). This will be the first exit from the EU, since the launch of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009 and will set out clear direction on how a member state can leave the EU. After the introduction of the exit clause, a route to exit EU was made available to member states who wanted to reconsider their membership. This master's thesis will take a closer look at the consequences of triggering Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the process through which the UK will pursue its withdrawal from the EU. It will focus on future relations between the UK and the EU and present various possible forms of cooperation between the UK and the EU after the exit. Master's thesis will also present an argumentation-based approach to assess the Brexit's impact on the nations leaving in the UK ; the future of the UK as a federal state, and the Scottish re-efforts for statehood and independence and the possible unification of Northern Ireland with its southern neighbour Ireland. Last but not least, will identify parallels between Britain's "independence" and the secession of Slovenia from the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the departure of the Danish autonomous province of Greenland from the EU. By comparing their use of the right to self-determination, we will see whether Britain can learn anything from Greenland and Slovenia. The master's thesis therefore focuses on dealing with one of the most important issues of our time which will impact development of many nations.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.

Sodba ESČP mora biti ustrezno implementirana na nacionalni ravni, zato bodo uporabljeni nadzorstveni mehanizmi Sveta Evrope. Ko ESČP izda zoper državo obsodilno sodbo, je posredovana Odboru ministrov, ki mu je na podlagi EKČP zaupana naloga nadzora nad izvršitvijo dokončne sodbe. Odbor ministrov ugotavlja v običajnem ali v razširjenem postopku, ali je država sprejela vse potrebne ukrepe za izvršitev naloženih obveznosti iz pravnomočne sodbe. Če je država izpolnila vse obveznosti iz sodbe, Odbor ministrov sprejme resolucijo, s katero konča nadzor. Združeno kraljestvo in Rusija sta državi, ki v zadnjih letih močno kljubujeta avtoriteti ESČP in zavračata izvršitev nekaterih sodb tega sodišča. V Rusiji so sprejeli sporni Zvezni ustavni zakon z dne 14. 12. 2015 št. 7-FKZ, ki je omogočil Ustavnemu sodišču Ruske federacije, da presoja skladnost sodb ESČP z Ustavo Ruske federacije. V primeru ugotovitve neskladnosti lahko Ustavno sodišče prepreči izvršitev sodbe ESČP. V Združenem kraljestvu že več let kljubujejo sodbi v zadevi Hirst proti ZK, tako da zavlačujejo s sprejemom zakonodajnih sprememb, ki jih je zahtevalo ESČP. Neizvrševanje sodb ima v obeh državah skupno točko – obe sta namreč ogrozili učinkovitost izvrševanja sodb ESČP ravno zaradi volilne pravice zapornikov. Kljubovanje ESČP je v Združenem kraljestvu ostalo na politični ravni, medtem ko je šla Rusija po drugačni poti, saj je sprejela zakonodajne spremembe prav z namenom, da ne bo izvrševala protiustavnih sodb ESČP. V Rusiji ne gre samo za razpravo o razmerju med strasbourškim sodiščem in domačimi sodišči tako kot v Združenem kraljestvu, ampak za kljubovanje države odločitvam v celoti, kar je zaskrbljujoče. Če hočejo ohraniti učinkovit sistem varstva človekovih pravic, si morajo Svet Evrope in njegove članice odločneje prizadevati za dosledno uresničevanje sodb ESČP. ; A judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (abbreviated as ECtHR) must be properly implemented on a national level. For that reason, supervisory mechanisms of the Council of Europe will be used. When the ECtHR delivers a judgment against a state, it is passed on to the Committee of Ministers, which is entrusted with a task of supervising enforcement of a final judgment. The Committee of Ministers finds whether the State has taken all necessary measures to comply with obligations imposed by a final judgment. If the State has fulfilled all obligations, the Committee of Ministers shall adopt a final resolution. The UK and Russia are countries that have strongly defined authority of the ECtHR in the recent years. In several occasions, both states refused to enforce judgments. In Russia, they adopted controversial Federal Constitutional Law of 14 December 2015 no. 7-FKZ that has enabled the Constitutional Court to assess compliance of judgments of the ECtHR with the Constitution of the Russian Federation. If the Constitutional Court finds that a judgment of the ECtHR is not in compliance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation, it may prevent execution of a judgment. For many years, the UK has defied execution of a judgment in the case of Hirst v. the UK by delaying adoption of legislative changes that were required by the ECtHR. Failure to enforce judgments is a common point in both countries. In the UK, resentment against the ECtHR remains at political level. While in Russia, they implemented legislative changes with clear intention not to implement unconstitutional judgments of the ECtHR. If we want an effective system of human rights protection, we must continue to strive toward consistent implementation of judgments of the ECtHR.

V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.

Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.