The article discusses the intellectual environments that took shape in the Lithuanian emigration and the presuppositions and methodological approaches that their investigation requires. Primary attention is paid to Birutė Ciplijauskaitė, a Lithuanian émigré scholar specializing in Spanish culture. Her academic and scholarly environments were closely related to the Spanish diaspora spawned by the civil war in Spain. There are several dimensions of interaction in play here: the largest field of influence by the Lithuanian and Spanish diaspora is common to both – the American academic circles; common issues regarding the formation of an identity in exile by the Lithuanian and Spanish diasporas; the emergence of a tendency to split between separatists versus groups (who did what in this framework, and how did this enrich the common creative and scholarly context; the essentialism (looking for the essence) characteristic of both Lithuanians and Spaniards, the inner conflict with the politics of dehumanization carried out by the United States of America and the attitudes of the Lithuanian and Spasnish diasporas toward this politics; the directions of intellectual activity formed in the Lithuanian and Spanish diaspora, one of these being translation as a way of participating in the culture of one's native land even in physical absence from it. This paper concentrates on aspects occurring within the first two dimensions. After a brief survey of academic environments in the United States after World War Two and Lithuanian and Spanish émigré interactions in these environments, detailed attention is directed to the émigré contexts of Ciplijauskaitė's contributions to Spanish and Lithuanian studies.
The article discusses the intellectual environments that took shape in the Lithuanian emigration and the presuppositions and methodological approaches that their investigation requires. Primary attention is paid to Birutė Ciplijauskaitė, a Lithuanian émigré scholar specializing in Spanish culture. Her academic and scholarly environments were closely related to the Spanish diaspora spawned by the civil war in Spain. There are several dimensions of interaction in play here: the largest field of influence by the Lithuanian and Spanish diaspora is common to both – the American academic circles; common issues regarding the formation of an identity in exile by the Lithuanian and Spanish diasporas; the emergence of a tendency to split between separatists versus groups (who did what in this framework, and how did this enrich the common creative and scholarly context; the essentialism (looking for the essence) characteristic of both Lithuanians and Spaniards, the inner conflict with the politics of dehumanization carried out by the United States of America and the attitudes of the Lithuanian and Spasnish diasporas toward this politics; the directions of intellectual activity formed in the Lithuanian and Spanish diaspora, one of these being translation as a way of participating in the culture of one's native land even in physical absence from it. This paper concentrates on aspects occurring within the first two dimensions. After a brief survey of academic environments in the United States after World War Two and Lithuanian and Spanish émigré interactions in these environments, detailed attention is directed to the émigré contexts of Ciplijauskaitė's contributions to Spanish and Lithuanian studies.
El present assaig examina alguns dels enfocaments crítics i teòrics en l'àrea dels estudis de la memòria històrica i de la identitat que han sorgit com a resposta als reptes culturals contemporanis resultants de les transformacions polítiques i socials que s'han esdevingut de manera global durant les darreres dècades. L'assaig es centra en el cas pràctic del paper de la memòria històrica en la formació d'identitats col·lectives en l'Espanya contemporània, en el període posterior a la dictadura i en la subsegüent transició política. L'estudi explora de manera concreta l'ús del trop dels fantasmes en la literatura i el cinema espanyols contemporanis com a forma simptomàtica l'espectralitat del passat col·lectiu reprimit. ; Este ensayo examina algunos de los enfoques teóricos y críticos del campo de la memoria histórica y los estudios sobre la identidad que han surgido como respuesta a los retos culturales contemporáneos resultantes de las transformaciones políticas y sociales que se han sucedido en el mundo en las últimas décadas. El ensayo se centra en un estudio práctico del papel que ha tenido la memoria histórica en la formación de identidades colectivas en la España contemporánea, el período post-dictatorial y la posterior transición política. Asimismo, este estudio explora, en particular, el uso del tropo de la aparición de fantasmas en la literatura y el cine español contemporáneos como una forma sintomática de espectralidad de un pasado colectivo reprimido. ; This essay examines some of the critical and theoretical approaches in the area of historical memory and identity studies that have emerged as a response to the contemporary cultural challenges that have resulted from the social and political transformations which have taken place globally in the last decades. The essay narrows its focus to a case study of the role of historical memory in the formation of collective identities in contemporary Spain, in the aftermath of the dictatorship and the subsequent political transition. This study explores in particular the use of the trope of haunting ghosts in contemporary Spanish literature and cinema as symtomatic form of spectrality of the repressed collective past.
The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.
The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.
The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.
Objectiu: presentem una iniciativa per a l'alfabetització mediàtica i digital de la ciutadania, concretament de les comunitats educatives, tant en espais formals com informals. Partint de l'àmbit de la comunicació i de l'anàlisi de les formes de participació ciutadana en l'entorn digital, duem a terme una primera exploració en una línia de recerca en la qual convergeixen les ciències de la comunicació i les pedagogies més innovadores en procés de desenvolupament en les ciències de l'educació. Metodologia: plantegem una anàlisi de l'ecosistema mediàtic actual, marcat per la digitalització, així com de les subjectivitats i les formes de socialització. Entorn de la metàfora de l'alimentació i la dietètica introduïm els estudis crítics sobre mitjans de comunicació, en general, i Internet, en particular, i proposem una alfabetització per a una ciutadania conscient, crítica i activa. Contrastem aquesta proposta amb el Marc Comú de Competència Digital Docent, desenvolupat per la Unió Europea i aplicat pel Ministerio de Educación y Formación Profesional, per a homologar-la amb treballs previs i actuals. Resultats: proposem una àrea de competència digital complementària a les plantejades en el Marc Comú de Competència Digital Docent enfocada a la intervenció en la proposta, l'elaboració i la vigilància ciutadanes de les polítiques digitals. ; Objetivo: presentamos una iniciativa para la alfabetización mediática y digital de la ciudadanía, concretamente de las comunidades educativas, tanto en espacios formales como informales. Partiendo del ámbito de la comunicación y del análisis de las formas de participación ciudadana en el entorno digital, realizamos una primera exploración a una línea de investigación en la que convergen las ciencias de la comunicación y las pedagogías más innovadoras en desarrollo en las ciencias de la educación. Metodología: planteamos un análisis del ecosistema mediático actual, marcado por la digitalización, así como de las subjetividades y las formas de socialización. En torno a la metáfora de la alimentación y la "dietética" introducimos los estudios críticos sobre medios de comunicación, en general, e Internet, en particular, y proponemos una alfabetización para una ciudadanía consciente, crítica y activa. Contrastamos esta propuesta con el Marco Común de Competencia Digital Docente, desarrollado por la Unión Europea y aplicado por el Ministerio de Educación y Formación Profesional, para homologarla con trabajos previos y actuales. Resultados: proponemos un área de competencia digital complementaria a las planteadas en el Marco Común de Competencia Digital Docente enfocada a la intervención en la propuesta, elaboración y vigilancia ciudadana de las políticas digitales. ; Objective: We describe a project for enhancing the media and digital literacy of the general public, or more specically of the educational community, in both formal and informal settings. Starting from the eld of communication and the analysis of different forms of citizen participation in the digital environment, we present an initial examination inside a line of research in which the sciences of communication and education converge. Methodology: We propose an analysis of the current media ecosystem dominated by digitization, subjective approaches, and forms of socialization. Around the metaphor of food and diet we introduce critical studies on media in general and the Internet in particular, and propose ways of enhancing media literacy for a conscious, critical and active public. We compare this proposal with the European Union's Framework for Developing and Understanding Digital Competence, applied by the Spanish Ministry of Education and Vocational Training, in order to bring it into line with previous and current work. Results: We propose an area of digital competence complementary to those outlined in the Framework for Developing and Understanding Digital Competence, focusing on intervention in the proposal, elaboration and assessment of digital policies by the general public.
