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Following Donna Haraway's (1988) doctrine of embodied objectivity, I analyze the construction of the notion of woman in the visual culture produced during the Spanish Civil War, by considering different women's roles as militiawomen, political leaders, nurses, and workers in the munitions factories. A selection of photographs of the Republican women during the Spanish Civil War reveals how the modern wars of the first half of the 20th century should not be considered exclusively a male domain because women became publicly visible and a political power in their fight against fascism. As it occurred with other North American and European women during World War I and World War II, Spanish women joined the labor forces with the outbreak of the Civil War, becoming aware of their subjugated position for the first time in history. Therefore, the images depicting Republican women mirrored not only the legal and social rights conquered by women since the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931, but they also embodied their emancipation and, furthermore, the roots of Spanish Feminism, a movement which has been repressed for a long-time by Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1939-1975).

Mainstreaming gender in political science education requires legislation, structures, instruments, and critical actors, not to mention a favourable political context for putting the issue on the agenda. This article examines these issues in the Spanish context with particular reference to the opportunities afforded to the mainstreaming of gender in higher education as a result of the European Higher Education Area and the policies pursued by the Socialist Zapatero government (2004–2011). Upon the back of these initiatives, undergraduate gender and politics studies were introduced for the first time in Spanish universities, having from the most part until then been the reserve of interdisciplinary Masters programmes on gender. While the opportunities to embed gender within political science education have been opened up, this process of mainstreaming has also been characterised by resistance. These issues are unpacked through a case study of the development of the gender and politics network within the Spanish Association of Political and Administrative Science, as well as through reference to the project of a pioneering textbook on mainstreaming gender in political science.

In this paper, we show through a contrastive analysis of person reference in Catalan and Spanish parliamentary discourse, that it is paramount to take into account not only syntactic but also pragmatic factors in order to adequately analyse the differences between two languages that have rather similar morphological paradigms. Indeed, whereas Catalan and Spanish are two Romance languages which share various important features concerning person reference, among others the fact that they are pro-drop languages, our analysis aims to show that important contrasts may be found at a pragmatic level, especially in a conflictual genre such as parliamentary debate (Blas Arroyo 2011). Based on previous language-specific studies (among others Gelabert 2006), we analyse all the occurrences of speaker- and addressee-reference in a corpus of Spanish and Catalan parliamentary debates, taking into account among others the reference established, the political function of the utterer and the position in the utterance. In the first place, we show that singular deictics are more used in Spanish, whereas plural forms are preferred in Catalan. This may be related to the political system as a whole, more specifically to the higher presence of coalitions in the Catalan system, which favour that the speaker refers to a group rather than to individuals. In the second place, we discuss differences in the use of the formal address forms, showing that, contrary to what is claimed in the literature, Catalan vostè is more frequent than Spanish usted. Moreover, both forms occupy different positions in the utterance, notably with respect to the verb form. Finally, we show that some differences in the use of vocatives (Cuenca 2004) may be due to the debating styles and history of the respective parliaments. Indeed, whereas the slightly archaic su señoría ('your Lordship') is still widely (though not exclusively) used in the Spanish parliament, this form is inexistent in the Catalan parliament, possibly due to the fact that the Catalan parliament restarted its functioning in 1980 after a 40 years-interruption, taking up a more modern style of address in which su señoría no longer had a place. We will show that the specific position of su(s) señoría(s) in Spanish impacts on the vocative use as a whole and explains the different frequencies of vocatives in Catalan and Spanish parliament, and also the different frequency of usted(s) and vostè(s) mentioned above. Thus, through this contrastive analysis of Spanish and Catalan, we will show that it is fruitful to take into account pragmatic and discursive features in contrastive studies of two closely related languages.

In this paper, we show through a contrastive analysis of person reference in Catalan and Spanish parliamentary discourse, that it is paramount to take into account not only syntactic but also pragmatic factors in order to adequately analyse the differences between two languages that have rather similar morphological paradigms. Indeed, whereas Catalan and Spanish are two Romance languages which share various important features concerning person reference, among others the fact that they are pro-drop languages, our analysis aims to show that important contrasts may be found at a pragmatic level, especially in a conflictual genre such as parliamentary debate (Blas Arroyo 2011). Based on previous language-specific studies (among others Gelabert 2006), we analyse all the occurrences of speaker- and addressee-reference in a corpus of Spanish and Catalan parliamentary debates, taking into account among others the reference established, the political function of the utterer and the position in the utterance. In the first place, we show that singular deictics are more used in Spanish, whereas plural forms are preferred in Catalan. This may be related to the political system as a whole, more specifically to the higher presence of coalitions in the Catalan system, which favour that the speaker refers to a group rather than to individuals. In the second place, we discuss differences in the use of the formal address forms, showing that, contrary to what is claimed in the literature, Catalan vostè is more frequent than Spanish usted. Moreover, both forms occupy different positions in the utterance, notably with respect to the verb form. Finally, we show that some differences in the use of vocatives (Cuenca 2004) may be due to the debating styles and history of the respective parliaments. Indeed, whereas the slightly archaic su señoría ('your Lordship') is still widely (though not exclusively) used in the Spanish parliament, this form is inexistent in the Catalan parliament, possibly due to the fact that the Catalan parliament restarted its functioning in 1980 after a 40 years-interruption, taking up a more modern style of address in which su señoría no longer had a place. We will show that the specific position of su(s) señoría(s) in Spanish impacts on the vocative use as a whole and explains the different frequencies of vocatives in Catalan and Spanish parliament, and also the different frequency of usted(s) and vostè(s) mentioned above. Thus, through this contrastive analysis of Spanish and Catalan, we will show that it is fruitful to take into account pragmatic and discursive features in contrastive studies of two closely related languages.

Spanish missions in North America were once viewed as confining and stagnant communities, with native peoples on the margins of the colonial enterprise. Recent archaeological and ethnohistorical research challenges that notion. Indigenous Landscapes and Spanish Missions considers how native peoples actively incorporated the mission system into their own dynamic existence. The book, written by diverse scholars and edited by Lee M. Panich and Tsim D. Schneider, covers missions in the Spanish borderlands from California to Texas to Georgia. Offering thoughtful arguments and innovative perspectives, the editors organized the book around three interrelated themes. The first section explores power, politics, and belief, recognizing that Spanish missions were established within indigenous landscapes with preexisting tensions, alliances, and belief systems. The second part, addressing missions from the perspective of indigenous inhabitants, focuses on their social, economic, and historical connections to the surrounding landscapes. The final section considers the varied connections between mission communities and the world beyond the mission walls, including examinations of how mission neophytes, missionaries, and colonial elites vied for land and natural resources. Indigenous Landscapes and Spanish Missions offers a holistic view on the consequences of missionization and the active negotiation of missions by indigenous peoples, revealing cross-cutting perspectives into the complex and contested histories of the Spanish borderlands. This volume challenges readers to examine deeply the ways in which native peoples negotiated colonialism not just inside the missions themselves but also within broader indigenous landscapes. This book will be of interest to archaeologists, historians, tribal scholars, and anyone interested in indigenous encounters with colonial institutions. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1078/thumbnail.jpg

In view of the current potential for the application of nanotechnology in the food industry, this report refers to the use of nanomaterials deliberately produced in the laboratory or at an industrial level and known as "engineered nanomaterials" (ENM) for their intentional introduction into the food chain and, therefore, potentially consumed. There is already a great variety of ENM, in particular nanoparticles, nanofibres, nanoemulsions and nanoclays. In the food industry, three main areas have been identified as having potential for nanotechnology to make a positive contribution: primary production, processing and food packaging. Due to their size, ENM often present unique physical and chemical properties, significantly different from those corresponding to the same material at a larger scale, implying that it is not possible to infer their toxicokinetics and toxicity profile by extrapolation from data on their non-nanostructured equivalents. These studies are essential for a correct risk assessment, which can be done using the conventional model, but bearing in mind the specific properties of the ENM. There are many limitations on the completion of the process, particularly the need to have information available about the characterization of the ENM, their bioaccumulation, the possible toxic effects after intake or absorption through other routes, in particular chronically, their long-term repercussions on public health, the application of adequate analytical techniques for this kind of material, etc. In addition, there are no databases with information on ENM in current use or the products containing them. For all these reasons, it is considered necessary to go deeper into all these aspects in order to establish specific legislation to protect consumers from the toxic risks derived from exposure to ENM. ; ES; es; pfefsa@msssi.es

Licencia Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC 3.0) ; In the field of credit risk management, the calculation of the probability of default of companies plays a key role. For that reason, bankruptcy prediction of companies has generated extensive research in the past decades. This paper applies one of the most popular techniques, the logistic regression. This technique is extensively used both by professionals and academics and is employed in many studies as a benchmark. Here we will apply it on a vast data base of the Spanish companies and a statistical analysis of the robustness of the model will be undertaken, with very satisfactory results. ; Bartual Sanfeliu, C.; García García, F.; Guijarro Martínez, F.; Moya Clemente, I. (2013). Default prediction of Spanish companies. A logistic analysis. Intellectual economics. 7(3):333-343. doi:10.13165/IE-13-7-3-05 ; S ; 333 ; 343 ; 7 ; 3

Forgetting the Forgetfulness: (Dis)remembering the Coloniality of the Portuguese and Spanish Dictatorships, explores the politics of memory surrounding the Portuguese and Spanish dictatorships as well as their lasting material and discursive effects in contemporary Iberian societies. More specifically, it tends to the silenced colonial past in relation to the production of knowledge around the Salazarist and Francoist regimes. As a transhistorical and multiterritorial study, this project articulates a decolonial epistemology on Portuguese and Spanish relations through a critical analysis of several 20th and 21st century films and documentaries that provide a space inscribing the modes of (in)visibility and voicing of the Iberian dictatorships' former colonized and their descendants. From this critical approach, this dissertation posits that the particularity of the Iberian dictatorships rests on their modern colonial projects as vital for their existence and maintenance of power (unlike repressive Latin American regimes or imperial European countries). This project adds to the theory body of academic Iberian comparative studies and addresses the debates around the Portuguese and Spanish "transitology" studies offering a critique of the modes of (dis)remembrance inherent to the transition process as an exclusionary European event. Through an intersectional theoretical reading of the silenced colonial violence of the dictatorships and its effects on the descendants of the colonized, this project contends that the consolidation of race, identity and nation in Spain and Portugal are owed to their colonial subjects in Africa. It responds to the vital need to think of the former colonial subjects under dictatorial rule as forgotten European citizens or nationals in an effort to debunk the myth of Spain and Portugal as white Christian European nations. There are four chapters that comprise this study. However, the organization of these chapters does not follow a teleological framework, but rather an epistemological one. Each chapter is thematically articulated around the ethical and socio-political dimension of the films and documentaries I have selected that address ideas of foreignness, race and colonialism intersecting with social class, sexuality and immigration.

"Spanish colonial law, derecho indiano, has since the early 20th century been a vigorous subdiscipline of legal history. One of great figures in the field, the Argentinian legal historian Víctor Tau Anzoátegui, published in 1997 his Nuevos horizontes en el estudio histórico del derecho indiano. The book, in which Tau addressed seminal methodological questions setting tone for the discipline's future orientation, proved to be the starting point for an important renewal of the discipline. Tau drew on the writings of legal historians, such as Paolo Grossi, Antonio Manuel Hespanha, and Bartolomé Clavero. Tau emphasized the development of legal history in connection to what he called "the posture superseding rational and statutory state law." The following features of normativity were now in need of increasing scholarly attention: the autonomy of different levels of social organization, the different modes of normative creativity, the many different notions of law and justice, the position of the jurist as an artifact of law, and the casuistic character of the legal decisions. Moreover, Tau highlighted certain areas of Spanish colonial law that he thought deserved more attention than they had hitherto received. One of these was the history of the learned jurist: the letrado was to be seen in his social, political, economic, and bureaucratic context. The Argentinian legal historian called for more scholarly works on book history, and he thought that provincial and local histories of Spanish colonial law had been studied too little. Within the field of historical science as a whole, these ideas may not have been revolutionary, but they contributed in an important way to bringing the study of Spanish colonial law up-to-date. It is beyond doubt that Tau's programmatic visions have been largely fulfilled in the past two decades. Equally manifest is, however, that new challenges to legal history and Spanish colonial law have emerged. The challenges of globalization are felt both in the historical and legal sciences, and not the least in the field of legal history. They have also brought major topics (back) on to the scene, such as the importance of religious normativity within the normative setting of societies. These challenges have made scholars aware of the necessity to reconstruct the circulation of ideas, juridical practices, and researchers are becoming more attentive to the intense cultural translation involved in the movement of legal ideas and institutions from one context to another. Not least, the growing consciousness and strong claims to reconsider colonial history from the premises of postcolonial scholarship expose the discipline to an unseen necessity of reconsidering its very foundational concepts. What concept of law do we need for our historical studies when considering multi-normative settings? How do we define the spatial dimension of our work? How do we analyze the entanglements in legal history? Until recently, Spanish colonial law attracted little interest from non-Hispanic scholars, and its results were not seen within a larger global context. In this respect, Spanish colonial law was hardly different from research done on legal history of the European continent or common law. Spanish colonial law has, however, recently become a topic of interest beyond the Hispanic world. The field is now increasingly seen in the context of "global legal history," while the old and the new research results are often put into a comparative context of both European law of the early Modern Period and other colonial legal orders. In this volume, scholars from different parts of the Western world approach Spanish colonial law from the new perspectives of contemporary legal historical research."

Purpose. The aim of this study is to analyse the influence of the environment on the financial performance in public sports agencies at the local level. Design/methodology/approach. The influence of the socio-demographic, socio-economic and political environment on the financial condition of municipal sports agencies in Spain from 2003 to 2011 was studied by using regression models. Findings. The results show a negative influence of the size of the population and a positive influence of the municipal taxes per capita. The influence of the political context is not demonstrated. However, the set of variables only explain a small percentage of the variance. Research limitations/implications. The main limitation to this study is the possible existence of other non-controlled environmental variables. However, this study genuinely approaches the effect of the environment on municipal sports agencies, which has important research implications as it shows additional information to be contrasted with other studies in different countries or regions. Practical implications. The information provided in this study will be of great importance for managers to more objectively select other entities in benchmarking development. Originality/value. Finally, this study uses a non-exploited database and redirects performance management studies to other areas of service provision such as sport.

The history of the military participation of women during the Spanish Civil War has thus far been neglected, underestimated or downplayed by historians. This article aims to redress this imbalance. It examines the actions of the milicianas, and the military roles they played, from the beginning of the war until July 1937 when the majority of women had been removed from combat. Most of the secondary literature attempts to dismiss the military contribution of the milicianas by arguing that women did not participate in combat on equal terms with men. Instead, the literature focuses on the domestic and auxiliary tasks performed by the militia women at the front. This article shows that in fact women did participate in combat on equal terms with men. Using primary sources, in particular the various memoirs written by milicianas or their oral testimonies, this article discusses the type of combat duties women undertook and the battles in which they were involved. The article demonstrates that the milicianas did make a significant contribution to the Republican war effort.

A mediados de los años cincuenta se rodó en España la coproducción Aventura para dos (Spanish Affair, Don Siegel, 1957) con Car-men Sevilla y Richard Kiley, que se estrenó internacionalmente, mientras estaba en vigor un embargo de exportaciones de Hollywood a España. Representantes del Gobierno en el extranjero se quejaron a organismos es-pañoles por permitir una producción ex-tranjera en territorio español que según sus testimonios dañaba la imagen del país. To-mando como herramienta el análisis de es-pacios en films turísticos españoles de Nieto Ferrando, Rey-Reguillo y Afinoguenova, este trabajo estudia las características de este film que configuran España como espacio arcá-dico-idílico. Los resultados del análisis y la comparación con el artículo mencionado su-gieren que las quejas, aunque acertadas sobre el folclore y tradicionalismo representados, no serían consecuentes con la postura oficial del gobierno. Ese imaginario era la tendencia en films españoles que promocionaban el territorio nacional como destino turístico, que proliferaban en los años cincuenta y concordaban con el Spain is different promovido por organismos oficiales desde inicios de dicha década ; In the mid-1950s, the co-production Spanish Affair (Don Siegel, 1957), star-ring Carmen Sevilla and Richard Kiley, was filmed in Spain and premiered in-ternationally, while a Hollywood exports embargo to Spain was in force. Govern-ment representatives abroad complained to Spanish organizations for allowing a foreign production in Spanish territory, which according to their testimonies dam-aged the country's image. Taking as a tool the analysis of places in Spanish tourist films by Nieto Ferrando, del Rey Reguillo and Afinoguenova, this paper studies the characteristics of this film that configure Spain as an arcadian-idyllic place. The re-sults of the analysis and the comparison with the aforementioned article suggest that the complaints, although accurate about the folklore and traditionalism represented, would not be consistent with the official position of the government. This imaginary was the trend in Spanish films that promoted the national territory as a tourist destination, which proliferated in the fifties and coincided with the slogan Spain is different promoted by official organizations since the beginning of that decade

Salaria Kea was the only African American woman to serve with the American Medical Unit during the Spanish Civil War. Her experience has been silenced and edited within the archive by traditionally more authoritative voices. Reconsidering the impact of intersectionality on personal experience can lead to a better understanding of Black U.S. participation in voluntary war efforts as well as to a decentering of the predominant euro-centric versions of the war in Spain and of history in general. The impetus of many African Americans to join the fight against fascism in Spain stemmed directly from the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, and the Spanish war in 1936 symbolized racial freedom from fascist oppression for many Black volunteers. For many female nurses, the war in Spain was a chance to actively participate in anti-fascist politics and work side by side with men on the front lines. Through a close textual analysis of papers in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives housed at New York University's Tamiment Library, this article examines the intersectional experience of Kea as a Black woman in Spain and uncovers the textual violence that has silenced her story in the archives.

'O daughter … forget your people and your father's house': Early Modern Women Writers and the Spanish ImaginaryAnne Holloway and Ramona Wray. Holloway and Wray consider the perspectives offered by two very different seventeenth-century women (Mary Bonaventure Browne, or Mother Browne (b.1615- and Lady Ann Fanshawe (b.1625) both of whom exchanged Ireland for Spain, and both of whom record journeys both 'real' and imagined in their writings. Browne's deployment of hagiographical tropes in her History of the Poor Clares may reveal the potential impact of Iberian conventual culture; her allusions to the markers of sanctity insistent on the immutability of the body, whilst accepting and anticipating spectral presence in the form of bilocation. Fanshawe's Memoirs are considered alongside the material legacy of her 'Booke of Receipts of Physickes, Salues, Waters, Cordialls, Preserues and Cookery.' Her impressions both in transit and within the domus are similarly marked by receptivity and sensitivity to the host culture. Amidst a backdrop of religious persecution and political uncertainty, in both cases Spain emerges as a potentially enabling context for creativity and self-expression.Keywords: Memoir; Franciscan; Poor Clares; Fanshawe; Mary Bonaventure Browne; hagiography; life-writing; autobiography, women writers. This joint-authored article is 12,548 words.

In 2004 Theo van Boven, as Special Rapporteur of the United Nations, alerted the world community that torture and ill-treatment were more than sporadic practices within Spain. Numerous studies carried out by human rights organizations and international institutions endorse this affirmation. This paper attempts to analyse the elements that facilitate cases of torture and ill-treatment while proposing ideas about how to orient political action to eradicate these practices. Situated in the discipline of public policy this paper will try to understand the deprivation of freedom focusing the analysis on the most extreme practices of the State violation of human rights that are produced in these areas. This article first addresses a quantitative description of the presence of torture in Spain. The second section details the historical and political specificities of the Spanish case that are useful in order to understand the question and at the same time in order to establish points of reference for the design of public policy. In the third section the elements that make possible the existence of cases of torture in Spain are analysed, elaborating a typology of static and dynamic elements. The fourth section explains the relationship between democratic culture and torture