Suchergebnisse

In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entailed a big gap between coastal areas and inland. The former benefitted of its site across the sea shores and proximity to Tunis and former regime. Many factors fostered export industries and tourism activities. The latters were left behind due to their lack of resources and urban planning policy dominated by neo liberal capitalist development in favor of Tunis urban primacy and the littoral where concentrated most foreign and local investments. Urban disparities and inequalities in Tunisia join in a networked society where local and global actors play a key role in economic, social, and urban development process in Tunisia. Tunisian society is a subsystem within a global system (Wallerstein2012), and what is happening is not conjonctural, but it is due to global social movements (Sassen 2007 ; Castells 2012 ; Braudel, 1992 ; Amin, 2003). Terrorism, pollution, inequalities are not per se, but are the negative results of a a myriad of factors: economic, politics, cultural, emotional, aesthetics, social and urban morphologies. Many economic, social, and political actors intervened and interconnected in public and private arenas and triggered those anomies. Fair urban policies are expected to be achieved through a multilevel governance in order to implement the revolution objectives in Tunisia. Otherwise, a representative democracy only, won't fulfil the well-being expected by large Tunisian people. Sustainable urban governance requires a multi-scalar bottom-up and top-down policy-making. In Tunisia, after democratic transition success, the state should be revamped, and compensate its deficit. A sustainable urban planning implies a holistic policy framework involving private and public sectors, and civil society actors locally, regionally, and globally.

By using the concept of peripheralization as defined by Fischer-Tahir and Naumann (2013) ; I examine how processes of change in economy ; demography ; political decision-making ; and socio-cultural norms and values have marginalized southern Yemen after 1990 ; and especially after the war of 1994. I will argue that politically produced spatial injustice has strengthened the desire for southern Yemeni independence.

The settlements of informal origin in Colombia emerged as an alternative to access housing for the socially and economically vulnerable population due to the limited institutional opportunities to obtain a solution. Thus, the victims of the armed conflict have found in this modality of urbanization a refuge in the city as a result of the forced displacement and the poverty. However, the different access modalities to the land relate this type of settlements with an illegal city due to the processes of irregular urbanization and self-production of housing developed far from the fulfillment of the urban norm. This denomination leads to an invisibilization of a set of injustices that the families who live there face off permanently. Given this scenario, the concept of space justice, which was proposed in the seventies, was adopted with the intellectual movement called Radical Geography, so it could be explored new approaches to settlements of informal origin that allowed to overcome the confused idea of understanding the legal as an action of justice. The exploration is carried out from the revision of the set of political actions derived from those aws designed to guarantee the access to housing to the victims of the forced displacement because of the internal armed conflict in Colombia, and the reality observed through life stories. Finally, it is observed that the design of public policies continues to be thought from a utilitarian perspective, and for this reason the actions of justice are still measured in economic terms and not in social terms. ; Los asentamientos de origen informal en colombiana han surgido como una alternativa de acceso a vivienda para la población social y económicamente vulnerable frente a las limitadas oportunidades institucionales de acceso a una solución habitacional. Así, las víctimas del conflicto armado por desplazamiento forzado y la población que se encuentra en situación de pobreza han encontrado en esta modalidad de urbanización un refugio en la ciudad. Sin embargo, las ...

The Environment as a Factor of Spatial Injustice: A New Challenge for the Sustainable Development of European Regions?

International audience The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.

Peripheries emerge as a result of shifts in economic and political decision-making at various scales. Therefore peripheral spaces are not a "natural" phenomenon but an outcome of the intrinsic logic of uneven geographical development in capitalist societies. Discussing examples from Germany, Eastern Europe, Turkey, Iraqi Kurdistan, Pakistan, India and Brazil, the volume describes the social production of peripheries from different theoretical and methodological perspectives. In so doing, it argues in favour of a re-politicization of the recent debate on peripheralization.

With contributions by Andrea Fischer-Tahir, Matthias Naumann, Eren Düzgün, Benjamin Zachariah, Thilo Lang, Tim Leibert, Alexandru Banica, Marinela Istrate, Daniel Tudora, Anja Reichert-Schick, Sabine Beisswenger, Thomas Bürk, Dolarice Sátyro Maia, Arian Mahzouni, Antía Mato Bouzas.

Segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by urban geographers and planners over the past decades. However, regardless of their focus, most of these studies view segregation as an obvious case of spatial injustice. I argue that this implicit relationship between segregation, (in)justice, and space needs to be reexamined. This paper approaches this task by reviewing an interdisciplinary body of literature (including geography, sociology, history, political sciences, and philosophy) that deals with segregation without (explicitly) tackling the issue of justice. Focusing on the case of poor, segregated neighborhoods in France, this paper examines the question of whether the segregated city is essentially unjust, analyzes the extent to which segregation is a spatial injustice, and identifies segregation's underlying (spatial) causes. It will then question the dominant contemporary discourse that holds that the Just City should be a diverse city at the neighborhood scale.