Marianne Bjelland Kartzow: Gossip and Gender. Othering of Speech in the Pastoral Epistles
In: Norsk teologisk tidsskrift, Band 111, Heft 4, S. 270-271
ISSN: 1504-2979
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In: Norsk teologisk tidsskrift, Band 111, Heft 4, S. 270-271
ISSN: 1504-2979
In: Norsk sosiologisk tidsskrift, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 279-283
ISSN: 2535-2512
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 7-27
ISSN: 0020-577X
Amerikanske presidenters balansering melloni ulike liberale verdier basert pa enten involvering eller beherskelse har store implikasjoner for utformingen av utenrikspolitikken. I denne artikkelen viser jeg, gjennom tekstanalytiske metoder, hvordan amerikanske presidenter vektlegger de to tradisjonene 'tilbakeholden' og 'ekspansiv' liberalisme i sine State of the Union-taler. Tilnaermingen er todelt: forst kartlegger jeg synet pa utenrikspolitikk gjennom innholdsanalyse. Deretter brakes ideanalyse for a vise hvilke av de to liberalismetypene seks av presidentene artikulerer. Funnene indikerer at det har skjedd en dreining fra en balansert tilnaerming mot mer overvekt pa ekspansive ideer. Denne dreiningen knyttes opp mot de kollektive tradisjonene forst skissert i Monroe-doktrinen og i 'Roosevelt corollary' Presidents' balance between liberal values based on imposition and restraint have major implications for foreign policy outcomes. In this article, I use text analytical tools to show how American presidents weigh Liberalism of Imposition and Liberalism of Restraint differently in State of the Union speeches. I use content analysis to map the focus on foreign policy and, based on a coding scheme, ideational analysis to assess which of the liberal traditions are more vocal in six of the speeches. Findings indicate that a shift has occurred from a balanced approach to more imposition-based ideas. Furthermore, I argue that these ideas can be traced back to the collective traditions drawn in the Monroe doctrine and Roosevelt corollary. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 175-196
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article presents & analyses continuity & changes in France's politics in Africa during the past 15 years. Practical political decisions are discussed in relation to central French strategies towards Africa & to speeches by elite politicians. French Africa policy during Sarkozy's first two years as president is examined in greater detail. The article concludes that important changes in French policy towards Africa are taking place, but that Francafrique will continue as long as the key figures in this policy are still alive. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 65-84
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 633-644
ISSN: 0020-577X
Discusses the history and development of democracy and freedom in China from Mao Zedong to Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics. During Mao's regime the Chinese people lacked every freedom from travel to the freedom of speech in their own homes, and as late as 1989 the Tiananmen Square protests were brutally ended by the regime. Since then China has freed its economy and by the early 21st century Chinese people enjoy the right to select their local leaders, to live in any community they like, and to communicate freely with each other. However the highest party officials are still above criticism and the media is censored. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13, S. 114-142
ISSN: 2387-4562
World Affairs Online
In 2014, Norway celebrates the bicentenary of the Norwegian Constitution. The Constitution has been the backbone of a society that has created political stability, economic development and personal freedom for generations of Norwegians. The Norwegian Constitution was inspired by the democratic forces of its time, but most especially by the American Constitution. Today, they represent the world's two oldest, living constitutions. The book explains how the Norwegian Constitution was created, how it has functioned, and the democratic challenges it faces. The book also examines how the American Constiution has influenced the Norwegian Constiution. The book is directed toward a wide range of readers, especially students in all levels. Prominent Norwegian writers and scholars have explored these themes in this unique presentation of the Norwegian and American Constitution. President of the Norwegian Parliament, Olemic Thommessen, and American Vice President i USA, Walter Mondale, have written the preface. The book is a de lux book of art. A number of Norwegian contemporary artists are inspired by the constitution. They have been especially concerned about subjects related to the role of the individual in society, democracy, freedom of speech and preservation of natural resources. They also have focused on what it means to have a national identity. The artistic presentations cover a wide register and the illustrations are carried out in different technics. Exhibitions will be arranged in both Norway and the US where the pieces of art in the book will be presented
This study has developed a tool for explaining why employees fail to speak up with regard to work related criticism; there is a hidden policy of silence that teaches employees to remain silent. This hidden policy is here designated as the "Curriculum Silentium" and is described in detail on the basis of empirical and theoretical data. After identifying a gap between the intentionally and experienced policy for employees freedom of speech in organizations I suggest that there are on-going unofficial, partially hidden learning processes in the organizations. The overall research question is; How does the Curriculum Silentium; the hidden policy of silence among employees, look like? I make an analytic construction of the hidden policy as if it were planned policy, using the didactic categories applicable to organizations. These didactic categories are: goals, content, teaching strategies and the motivation of employees. The empirical data was collected in three different organizations: an elementary school, a home for the elderly and a factory in the process industry, using qualitative methods such as interviews and observation. The theoretical foundation of the study is taken from existing theory within the field of work life research and educational science. The study is not a comparative study of the three organizations, but does involve a comparison of whether and how the Curriculum Silentium is expressed in three such different organizations. The challenge of examining hidden relationships in organizations was met through the development of guidelines for an analytical approach called a critical didactic relations analysis. The study concludes that a hidden policy of silence resembling that presented here exists in organizations where employees fail to voice working life related criticism.
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"There is a widely held notion that death is not particularly visible in our culture; death is something we do not talk about. The premise for Døden i livet has been to challenge this preconception from a variety of perspectives and disciplines.
The authors argue that death is present in our lives in many ways. We see it and experience it in our physical surroundings, for example in the various arrangements we make to remind ourselves of the dead. We hear or read about it in speeches, poems, music lyrics, psalms, obituaries, biographies, picture books, novels and newspapers. We talk about death in conversations with each other, in characterizing the dead and in clinical language about illness and death. We reveal our understanding of death through visual forms such as newspaper images, illustrations in books and in the imagery and metaphors we employ when we describe it.
Døden i livet is a mult-disciplinary, scientific anthology consisting of 12 peer-reviewed chapters geared towards scholars and students interested in broader appreciation of how death is present in our culture. The chapters are written by researchers working in such diverse fields as health, pedagogics, idea history, religion, literature studies, linguistics and rhetoric." - "Det er en utbredt oppfatning at døden er lite synlig i vår kultur og at vi snakker lite om den. Utgangspunktet for antologien Døden i livet er å utfordre disse forestillingene fra ulike perspektiv og fagfelt.
Forfatterne understreker at døden er til stede i våre liv på mange måter. Vi ser den og opplever den i våre fysiske omgivelser, for eksempel der hvor vi har innrettet oss for å minnes de døde. Vi hører den eller leser om den i taler, dikt, musikalske tekster, salmer, nekrologer, biografier, bildebøker, romaner og avistekster. Vi uttaler oss om død i samtaler med hverandre, i karakteristikker av avdøde og gjennom fagspråk om sykdom og død. Vi viser vår forståelse av døden gjennom visuelle uttrykk som i avisbilder, i bokillustrasjoner og i de språklige bildene og metaforene vi bruker når vi omtaler den.
Døden i livet er en tverrfaglig, vitenskapelig antologi. Boken består av 12 fagfellevurderte kapitler og henvender seg til forskere og studenter som har interesse av å sette seg inn i hvordan døden er til stede i vår kultur. Kapitlene er skrevet av forskere fra ulike fagfelt som helsefag, pedagogikk, idéhistorie, religionsvitenskap, litteraturvitenskap, språkvitenskap og retorikk."
Local police departments receive a vast number of calls annually from the healthcare sector, the education sector, the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration, other social service agencies, families, friends, neighbors and others, expressing concern that individuals or groups might be, or are at risk of becoming, violent extremists. The majority are unwarranted.
Yet Norway has, in recent years, experienced that extremists can inflict a great deal of damage, pain, fear and death – not just on individual victims, but on society as a whole. How can the relevant authorities intervene in time to prevent such events from occurring without compromising important democratic values? This book takes a look at how local police perceive and carry out their role in the tremendously complex and demanding field we call 'concern work' (bekymringsarbeidet).
The police face complicated dilemmas on a daily basis: What is the relationship between extreme behavior and expression, and extremist violence? Where are the boundaries between conservative and extreme forms of religion? Is there an appropriate moment for the police to confront persons who have not (yet?) broken any laws?
Concern Work. Police Prevention of Radicalization and Violent Extremism will appeal to researchers and practitioners working with prevention initiatives, and anyone interested in radicalizaion and violent extremism, as well as democracy, freedom of speech and the rule of law. - Hvert år mottar lokale politidistrikter et stort antall meldinger, fra helsevesenet, skoleverket, Nav, diverse lavterskeltilbud, pårørende, naboer eller andre, der det uttrykkes bekymring for at individer eller miljøer kan være i risiko for å være, eller bli, voldelige ekstremister. De fleste av disse utgjør ingen slik fare.
Samtidig har Norge de siste årene flere ganger erfart at ekstremister kan forårsake stor skade, smerte, frykt og død – ikke bare for noen få, men for hele samfunnet. Hvordan skal myndighetene gripe inn i tide for å forhindre at slikt skjer, uten å sette viktige demokratiske verdier i fare? Denne boken utforsker hvordan lokalt politi forstår og utfører sin del av det uhyre komplekse og krevende feltet vi kaller bekymringsarbeidet.
Politiet står i kompliserte dilemmaer i sitt daglige virke: Hva er forholdet mellom ekstreme holdninger og ytringer og ekstremistisk vold? Hvor går grensene mellom konservative og ekstreme former for religion? Når blir det riktig for politiet å intervenere overfor folk som (ennå?) ikke har begått lovbrudd?
Bekymringsarbeidet. Politiets forebygging av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme henvender seg til forskere og praktikere i forebyggingsfeltet, og til alle som er opptatt av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme, så vel som rettssikkerhet, demokrati og ytringsfrihet.
학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사회과학대학 정치외교학부(외교학전공), 2020. 8. 신범식. ; 본 논문은 테러와의 전쟁에서 많은 피해를 입은 미국과 러시아의 테러조직 리스트가 예상과 달리 왜 유사점보다 차이점을 더 많이 가지고 있는가를 밝히고자 하였다. 이를 위해 러시아와 미국이 테러조직을 지정하는 과정을 비교함으로써 양국의 테러조직 지정에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 규명하고자 하였다. 우선 미국과 러시아의 국가 안보전략 문서들을 분석함으로써 양국이 시기별로 중요하게 여긴 관심사와 이러한 관심사에 대한 위협이 무엇인지 분석하였다. 그 다음으로, 미국과 러시아의 대통령들이 1993년부터 2017년까지 발표한 테러 관련 연설문, 인터뷰, 공문서들 가운데 제목이나 본문에 'terror' 및 'террор'라는 어근이 포함된 다양한 형태의 텍스트 자료들을 대상으로 워드분석을 함으로써 양국이 테러를 어떠한 위협으로 상정하는지, 국내외의 어떤 안건들과 연결하는지를 파악하였다. 그리하여 본고는 테러에 대한 역사적 경험과 인식, 안보에 대한 이해, 국제 질서와 상황 파악 등 많은 요인들이 테러조직 지정에 영향을 미치면서 양국이 테러에 대한 기본적인 인식, 즉 초국가적인 테러조직들이 한 국가만이 아닌, 국제사회 전체에 위협이 될 수 있다는 인식 면에서는 시간이 지나면서 비슷해졌지만 양국의 안보개념, 안보와 관련된 국익의 우선 순위, 테러에 대한 인식에 영향을 미친 역사적 경험이 상이하기 때문에 테러조직의 지정에서 유사점보다는 차이점이 더 많이 나타나게 되었다는 결론에 도달하였다. 본고는 일견 미국과 러시아가 테러조직을 공동의 적으로 간주하는 것처럼 보이지만 실제로는 다양한 요인들로 인해 테러와 테러조직의 지정에서 서로 다르게 접근한다는 사실을 보여주었다는 데 그 의의가 있다. ; Russia and the United States have been on the front line of the fight against terrorism for a long time, and at first glance it may seem that they are fighting against the same enemy. However, upon careful comparison of the U.S. Department of State list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations(FTO) and corresponding list of the Russian Federation the distinctions are strikingly obvious. The organizations designated by each country outnumber the ones that were appointed by both. This study aims to examine the factors behind the differences in the approaches that Russia and the U.S. took to defining the enemy. It is argued that the designation method is mainly determined by two broad aspects – the security concept and the perception of terrorism. Through the analysis of the national security strategies from 1997 to 2015, this study investigated several crucial issues: the ways Russia and the United States had been perceiving the international order, their place and role in it, as well as changes in their national interests over time, and most importantly, what constituted the perceived threats to the national security. Supporting this with the examination of the perception of terrorism through the word frequency analysis of Russian and American presidents' speeches, the study concluded that despite the fact that both countries claim terrorism to be their main threat, the approach to defining it is not the same as each country bases it on their own historical experience and national priorities. The United States views terrorism largely as a part of the global security framework, inseparably associated with other issues (such as the threat of WMD proliferation) that are claimed to emanate from rogue states and tyrannies. Consequently, the strategy in the fight against terrorism has been derived from the desire to converse these regimes to democracy. On the other hand, Russia was found to view terrorism as a more direct threat to the country's national security. For Russia, terrorist organizations are separate entities that try to violate the country's constitutional order through separatist and extremist slogans. Unlike the United States, Russia does not view terrorist organizations as an instrument in the hands of tyrannical regimes, therefore it condemns the American unilateral approach that is structured around interference into the internal affairs of other states. These differences are reflected in the formation of the terrorist organizations lists. The list of the United States is more comprehensive and geographically global. The FTO list includes not only the organizations that directly threaten US security, but also the ones that harm the partners and allies of the United States. At the same time, Russia is focused on designating the organizations that directly threaten the security of the country and the nearest region like Central Asia. There are also organizations on the list that do not commit terrorist acts, but undermine the values of Russia's constitutional system through the conduct of propaganda on the Internet. After September 11 and the Beslan school siege in 2004, there is a convergence in the perception of the US and Russia on the rise of terrorist organizations network as a major transnational threat in the 21st century. This explains why there are the same ten organizations on both lists. The vast majority of the organizations that have been designated by both countries are affiliates of al-Qaeda, which are fighting not one specific country, but the entire modern international society. However, despite a similar logic in terrorism perception, it was concluded that it is the differences in national security priorities and promoted values that are accountable for the ways that Russia and the United States define the enemy in the fight against terrorism. ; I. 서론 1 1. 문제제기 1 2. 기존연구 검토 3 3. 연구 방법 및 자료 6 4. 논문의 구성 11 II. 테러 위협에 대한 미국과 러시아의 대응 방식 12 1. 미국과 러시아의 안보 개념 14 1) 미국의 안보 개념 14 (1) 국제질서에 대한 담론 14 (2) 안보 위협에 대한 해석 16 2) 러시아의 안보 개념 18 (1) 국제질서에 대한 담론 18 (2) 안보 위협에 대한 해석 22 2. 테러에 대한 미국과 러시아의 인식 비교 26 1) 테러에 대한 미국의 인식 및 대테러 전략 26 2) 테러에 대한 러시아의 인식 및 대테러 전략 37 3. 테러 위협에 대한 미국과 러시아의 관점 비교 45 III. 미국과 러시아의 테러 조직 지정 제도 비교 48 1. 테러 조직 리스트 수립 과정 48 1) 미국의 해외 테러조직 리스트(FTOs) 50 2) 러시아 연방제가 지정한 테러조직 리스트 51 2. 테러조직 지정 과정에서 러시아와 미국의 유사점과 차이점 52 1) 테러조직 지정 및 관리방식 비교 54 2) 사례 연구를 통한 양국의 비교 62 (1) 하마스 62 (2) 탈레반 67 (3) 알누스라 72 IV. 결론 76 참고문헌 78 Abstract 88 ; Master
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