In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 180, Heft 5, S. 214-224
In the scientific literature emphasizes how to observe in recent decades an increase in electoral volatility. However, this finding contradicts the classical theories of voting behavior, which emphasize the importance of social cleavages and thus just more stability in party choice for drafting. However, many volatile electorate shift cited related to an ideological party and it is often used as an argument to support the continued importance of this fault line theories. Volatile voters in this vision still bound by their ideology and make an informed choice. Moreover'm changing party often within an ideological block interpreted as a choice driven by strategic considerations. Adapted from the source document.
In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 180, Heft 4, S. 163-175
This article explores whether the development of a common European asylum policy, & the construction of a directive on minimum standards for the granting of refugee status, is dominated by a security discourse. In such a security discourse, asylum is considered a cross-border threat to the realization of the internal market & the internal stability of Member States. While the social construction of asylum as a problem puts pressure on the traditional humanitarian framework on which international refugee protection is being based. The tension between these two approaches seems to result in a restrictive European common asylum policy, with a focus on control & prevention of migration into the EU. In this article, we analyse the tensions between the security & the humanitarian discourse in primary & secondary sources, using the model of Laclau & Mouffe. We conclude that while creating a common asylum policy, a securitization process is present. Tables. Adapted from the source document.
The present article is a discussion of De spankracht van de Europese Unie. Gaan democratie en uitbreiding samen? (The EU tension capital. Do democracy and expansion go together?), an assembly of essays that are rated highly interesting by its reviewers. Characteristic for the European Union is its wish to be both democratic and effective. To nourish national and regional diversity, and establish a large internal market at the same time. To promote citizen and stakeholder participation, and respond in an effective and rapid way to all sorts of new challenges. The guiding principle of the book is the question whether the nature of the EU allows the achieving of these different topics at the same time. An edition in the interest of political scientists, but more so for politicians and policy makers, marked by a tendency for pessimism amongst the different contributors. As stated in the conclusion; a perfectly normal characteristic of complex political systems going through institutional crisis to reemerge at a later date with renewed stability. References. O. van Zijl
In Europe and especially in the euro existed between mid 2007 to late 2009 preserve vote on how the institutions of a sometimes fragile EU and the single currency managed to the global financial crisis defy. The crisis hit over from the United States, where the dangers of applied liberal and deregulated model of financial markets and inadequate governance were insufficiently recognized. European banks, but a few, behaved more than their American peers. Also banking supervision was generally effective, especially in countries like Italy, Spain and the small Cyprus. Through an innovative and fast answer to the European Central Bank had a leading role in tackling the crisis: the European legal framework for emergency loans was modified and cross-border coordination was performed. Crucial factor was that, in countries such as Belgium, Greece and Italy after, most EU and eurozone countries thanks to the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) and the Treaty of Maastricht had their debt under control. The result was that most European countries have not been hit as hard by the recession and the United States. The Anglo-American capitalism performed moderately, while the European system had shown its resilience (for the first time). Adapted from the source document.