A instabilidade no Golfo Pérsico: uma ameaca para os interesses ocidentais
In: Política internacional, Band 3, Heft 19, S. 189-204
ISSN: 0873-6650
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In: Política internacional, Band 3, Heft 19, S. 189-204
ISSN: 0873-6650
In: Política internacional, Band 3, Heft 24, S. 87-96
ISSN: 0873-6650
In: Relacoes Internacionais, Heft 4, S. 65-76
For some commentators, the very notion of a transatlantic crisis is too optimistic. The transatlantic relation, for them, has lost both its centrality & its specific character with the end of the Cold War. Different Western countries have both convergent & divergent values & interests with each other, as well as with the rest of the world. In particular between the United States & Europe the trend is for divergences of views, priorities, & policies to be more & more acute. This article argues that the West is indeed broken, but not beyond fixing, that the central importance of America & Europe for each other has not disappeared & may well re-emerge spectacularly in front of new challenges, but that it is unlikely to lead to the harmonious cooperation of two coherent entities. Rather, a recovered unity of the West can only be based on an awareness of intra-American & intra-European & transnational or transcontinental divisions & of common external or universal challenges. Adapted from the source document.
In: Fronteira: Revista de Iniciacao Cientifica em Relacoes Internacionais, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 9-35
In: Revista brasileira de politica internacional, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 162-184
ISSN: 0034-7329
Comparative essay, constrasting the foreign policies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso's & Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva's administrations. Besides the general features of each diplomacy, external policies & practices of each government are compared for a set issues of the international agenda, namely: multilateralism & UN Security Council; WTO, multilateral trade negotiations & South-South cooperation; terrorism; globalization & financial flows; IMF & economic policy requirements; Brazil as a leader; South America; Mercosul; Argentina; Europe; relationship with the United States, & FTAA, with a final section on diplomatic tools preferred by each government. Break lines are much more evident in the style than in the substance of Brazilian diplomacy, which continues to show strong features of continuity. Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.