Suchergebnisse

What can states expect to receive in return for the military aid they provide to other states? Can military aid buy recipient state compliance with donor objectives? In this study, we systematically investigate the effects of US military assistance on recipient state behavior toward the United States. We build on existing literature by creating three explicit theoretical models, employing a new measure of cooperation generated from events data, and controlling for preference similarity, so that our results capture the influence military aid has on recipient state behavior independent of any dyadic predisposition toward cooperation or conflict. We test seven hypotheses using a combination of simultaneous equation, cross-sectional time series, and Heckman selection models. We find that, with limited exceptions, increasing levels of US military aid significantly reduce cooperative foreign policy behavior with the United States. US reaction to recipient state behavior is also counterintuitive; instead of using a carrot-and-stick approach to military aid allocations, our results show that recipient state cooperation is likely to lead to subsequent reductions in US military assistance. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractDespite the recent proliferation of policy initiatives designed to curb illegal immigration, advanced industrialized states have made little headway towards the goal of effective migration control. Examining the case of deportation in Germany and the European Union, this article contends that one of the most fundamental reasons underlying this failure is a unilateral policy bias that fails to take into account two related conditions. First, policies of migration control directly and substantially impinge upon the interests of foreign governments. Secondly, the cooperation of foreign officials is an essential condition for policy implementation. To the extent that they disregard these basic conditions, then, migration control policies are bound to fail. By examining the implementation of deportation policy, the article illustrates the limited efficacy of control measures that are dominated by the interests of advanced industrialized states to the exclusion of the concerns of foreign governments.

Abstract
Professor Bernt's article details how the transition from voice service to broadband under the FCC's National Broadband Plan leaves unresolved many issues regarding the role of the states. She proposes using a new "functional" model in which the role of the states in protecting rural and low-income consumers is maintained.

Abstract
Professor Bernt's article details how the transition from voice service to broadband under the FCC's National Broadband Plan leaves unresolved many issues regarding the role of the states. She proposes using a new "functional" model in which the role of the states in protecting rural and low-income consumers is maintained.

The preliminary examination of Colombia is widely regarded as a successful instance of positive complementarity. Under the watchful eye of the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP), Colombian authorities have implemented comprehensive reforms and negotiated peace with the country's main rebellion. That said, how much credit can the International Criminal Court (ICC) claim for these outcomes? And how did ICC–state relations develop over time? Drawing on in-person interviews carried out during a research trip to Bogotá, this article conducts a within-case analysis of the situation of Colombia over fourteen years (2004–18), seeking to explore the motives underlying state compliance with ICC treaty obligations and trace the evolution of ICC–state relations throughout two consecutive administrations of opposite political color. Unsurprisingly, state elites and transitional justice experts push back against the idea that the OTP has held state authorities accountable to domestic and international legal obligations through its lasting monitoring and involvement in internal affairs. Besides, while participants in this study agree on the timeliness of ICC intervention, they are split on their assessments of the Court's performance. Finally, interviewees tend to agree that, upon giving 'green light' to the finalized peace accords in early September 2016, the ICC has at best a marginal role in Colombia's politics..

This article analyzes the relationship between Mande hunters (dozos) and the Ivorian state in the prefecture of Ouangolodougou in northern Côte d'Ivoire. Having adopted a prominent security role during the violent conflict of 2002–2011, dozos have made continuing efforts to maintain their position in the post-conflict state. To negotiate their position, they draw on a performative repertoire, such as the display of powerful attributes in the context of processions. Although they have had to concede some more strategic and profitable activities to the reestablished state, dozo chiefs effectively govern the rural northern borderlands of Côte d'Ivoire.

The success of the International Criminal Court is highly determined by cooperation from States. The Court lacks an enforcement mechanism and has to rely on the cooperation of State and non State-Party in the arrest and surrender of the perpetrators of crimes under its jurisdiction. It is undeniable that without State Cooperation, the Court will encounter great difficulty to conduct its proceedings. United Nations Security Council possesses specific role in the enforcement of State Cooperation, however, such role is very limited — and even ineffective, since the Court is a treaty-based International Criminal Tribunal, meaning that it is independent, and it shall not bound third State without its consent. Finally, this article will highlight both the implementation of the responsibilities to cooperate under international law, as well as State willingness to cooperate with the Court in practice thus far, and also the power of Security Council in the enforcement of State Cooperation in the International Criminal Court.