Suchergebnisse

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Analizira se suradnja javne uprave i organizacija civilnog društva u procesu odlučivanja. Snaženje koncepta regulacijske države mijenja ulogu javne vlasti u procesu odlučivanja. To se posebno očituje kroz širenje broja akera koji sudjeluju u izradi politika i odluka. Europska unija razvija mogućnosti i načine putem kojih razne organizacije civilnog društva imaju priliku dati svoje mišljenje o donošenju određene odluke. Republika Hrvatska pokušava slijediti taj trend definiranjem odredbi o postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću i uspostavljanjem mehanizama suradnje s organizacijama civilnog društva i drugim akterima na izradi zakona, drugih propisa i akata. Također se analiziraju formalne mogućnosti i stvarna participacija civilnog društva u postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću te odnos s javnom vlasti u izradi odluka. Analiziraju se instrumenti savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću u EU-u i Hrvatskoj. Upozorava se na određene probleme u regulaciji i provedbi instrumenta te se predlažu rješenja za poboljšanje. ; The strengthening of the regulatory state concept in recent decades has changed the role of public authorities in the decision-making process, rendering them just one of the many different participants involved in policy-making and the decision-making process. As regulation became their primary function, public authorities began to emphasise the quality of the decision-making process and the decisions it engenders in order to encourage the establishment of a suitable environment for economic development. Therefore, supranational organisations and many countries are implementing regulatory reforms in an attempt to create better regulation, and in the context of these reforms they are using instruments of civil society participation in decision-making. As a result of various circumstances, creating relations with civil society based on cooperation and partnership is often a relatively slow and gradual process, yet progress is notable. The European Union is constantly evolving opportunities and ways in which various civil society organisations can convey their opinions about the adoption of certain decisions at the EU level. Croatia has also, particularly over the last seven years, tried to follow this trend by defining the legal provisions and procedures of public consultations, and by establishing mechanisms for cooperation with civil society organisations and many other stakeholders in the drafting of laws and other regulations. The paper analyses the role of civil society and the opportunities for public consultations in the European Union and Croatia. The analysis results indicate progress as well as problems. The author suggests improvements with regard to the cooperation between civil society and public administration in public consultations.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

Ova analiza društvenog konteksta manjinske politike u Republici Srbiji u razdoblju od 2000. do 2016. godine posebnu je pozornost posvetila osnovnim odrednicama i dostignućima manjinske politike u procesu tranzicije i pretpostavkama, kao i mehanizmima izgradnje integrativne manjinske politike. Vladajuća etno-nacionalistička mobilizacija otežava prevladavanje nedavne prošlosti i teških posljedica međuetničkog sukobljavanja, uključujući i oružane sukobe, zločine etničkog čišćenja i genocida. To otežava međuetničku i međudržavnu suradnju sa susjedima, državama na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije odnosno Zapadnog Balkana. Posljedice ovakve politike najvidljivije su u položaju "novih nacionalnih manjina" i u odnosima sa susjednim državama koje su "matične države" ovih nacionalnih manjina. Odgovor na ove izazove Srbija bi trebala pronaći u okolnostima pojačanog značaja regionalne suradnje i pristupanja Europskoj Uniji (EU). Pritom ovaj odgovor najviše ovisi o tome hoće li se reformama dostići cilj održivog razvoja kao temelja socijalne inkluzije, a i pretpostavka je nužnih reformi i "europske budućnosti" (Janjić, 2011: 1 - 3). ; This analysis of the social context of minority policy in the Republic of Serbia betveen 2000 and 2016 deals with major determinants and achievements of minority policy in the transition process, including preconditions and mechanisms aimed at achieving the integrative minority policy in Serbia. The basic experience with minority policy and overall post-socialist transition in Serbia is marked by contradictions in the triangle of solidarity, social inclusion and ethnic nationalism. The dominant ethno-nationalist mobilization hinders the ability of Serbia to overcome the legacy of recent past and serious consequences of inter-ethnic conflicts, including armed conflicts, ethnic cleansing and genocide. This hinders inter-ethnic and inter-state cooperation with its neighbors, countries of the former Yugoslavia and Western Balkans. The consequences of such policy are most clearly visible in the status of "new" national minorities and in relations with Serbia's neighbors - "kin-states" of its national minorities. Likewise, it is difficult to implement supporting policies for the Serbs in the region who perceive Serbia as their "kin-state". Serbia should seek to respond to these challenges in attaching more importance to regional cooperation and joining the European Union (EU).

The author aims to present the etymology and history of the laicity principle as an important part of the political history of the West, particularly of France. The laicity idea has a very important place in the context of church-state relations, of separation of the two, and of their cooperation in certain areas (in models of cooperation). Since the concepts of laicity, secularism, secularisation and laicisation are often used in such a way as to make clear distinction impossible, an outline of their fundamental distinctions and an elucidation of possible ways of their use in political science seem to be fully justified. With regard to their etymological origins (Greek, Latin and French sources), the above-mentioned concepts are part of the common European tradition of establishing relations between the church and the state, relying on foundations which have demonstrated, in the course of history, their importance and various political applications. Adapted from the source document.

In the whole history of modern times India-USA relations were not much developed. It was a relationship of distant worlds & civilizations. After analyzing the basic features of the socio-political & economic situation in the present India, & its international position, the author indicates that from the end of the last century the relations between India & USA are characterized by a specific discovering of each other, approaching to each other & a significant development of mutual cooperation. Within the newly created post-Cold World constellation & a new vision of international relations, both countries have found good reasons & substantial basis for potentially productive mutuality. Adapted from the source document.

The author explores the genesis & ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia & FYR of Macedonia, & the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership & evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission & other mechanisms for interstate co-operation. References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom prilogu u prijepisu je doneseno nekoliko dokumenata koji se odnose na osnivanje i djelovanje Odsjeka X, koji je krajem 1942. osnovan u sastavu Glavnog ravnateljstva za javni red i sigurnost Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH). Navedeni odsjek trebao je proučavati četnički pokret na području NDH, odnosno trebao je nastaviti voditi već prije započetu suradnju vlasti NDH s pojedinim četničkim odredima. Također se Odsjek X trebao baviti i partizanskim pokretom. Dokumenti u ovom prilogu donose podatke o osnivanju Odsjeka X, načinu njegova rada, ali prikazuju i kako su u tom odsjeku objasnili uzroke nastanka četničkog i partizanskog pokreta na području NDH. ; The paper contains transcripts of several documents pertaining to the establishment and activities of the Department X. The Department was established in late 1942 within the Main Directorate for Public Order and Safety of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). The task of the Department X was to gather intelligence information about Chetnik units and to establish contacts and cooperation with them. But the Department X also had a task to gather information about the Partisan movement. After the proclamation of the NDH, headed by the Ustasha regime, it initiated a campaign of state terror against the Serb population. The NDH labelled this population "Greek-Eastern" and later "Orthodox". This terror led to the uprising of Serbs that gradually developed into two mutually opposed movements – Chetniks, loyal to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and Partisans led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The struggle between royalists and communists led Chetniks into cooperation with the Axis powers. During mid-1942 some Chetnik detachments operating in Bosnia made ceasefire agreements with the NDH authorities. The NDH did not give up from crushing the uprising by force, but along with negotiations with Chetniks it also initiated some other measures whose aim was to lessen the animosity and distrust of the Orthodox population toward the regime. Despite all this, the NDH regime was weak and it ultimately could not restore order neither with military force, nor with measures of peaceful pacification. The Department X duty was to take complete control and leadership over the already established contacts with Chetniks, as well as to investigate the possibility of further cooperation with them. Concerning the transcribed documents of the Department X in the paper they show how it commenced with its activities but they also contain analysis of the Department X about the causes that led to the appearance of the Chetnik (and the Partisan) movement on the NDH territory. The analysis is interesting because the Department X (in)directly concluded that the NDH regime itself, with its policy of terror against Serbs in 1941, bears the main responsibility for the uprising. Therefore, at least some elements in the higher NDH administration were aware that the regime's policy of state terror against the Serb population was ultimately counterproductive because it led to a large scale uprising of the Serb population. But, as mentioned, when the Department X reached such conclusion it was too late to rectify the consequences of the NDH policy during 1941. It should also be noted that analyses of the Department X were top secret documents intended only for the highest NDH officials.

Po pristupanju EU-u, 13 novih država članica preuzelo je i tradicionalne međunarodne odnose 15 starih država članica, među koje svakako spada i politički složena, financijski izdašna i pravno obvezujuća suradnja s bivšim kolonijama u dalekim zemljama s kojima je kontakt, znanje i prisutnost za nove članice i dalje ograničen. U jeku rasprave o budućnosti odnosa između EU-a i zemalja Afrike, Kariba i Pacifika nakon isteka Sporazuma iz Cotonoua 2020. godine, kojim su ovi odnosi politički, gospodarski i razvojno uokvireni, ovim radom obuhvaćeni su postojeći modeli i nove mogućnosti suradnje, naročito u razvojnoj domeni, promatrajući pritom nekoliko prevladavajućih čimbenika – vanjski u pogledu nove globalne arhitekture, izazova i dionika; unutarnji u pogledu nove, proširene Europske unije; i inherentni u pogledu novog razvojnog alata EU-a, koji je obogaćen iskustvima demokratske tranzicije novih članica. Rad je posebno usredotočen na položaj i mogućnosti Hrvatske kao najnovije države članice sa svojim izazovima, prilikama i preporučenom ulogom u ovome procesu. Koristeći metodu indukcije rad je započet deskriptivnom analizom sastavnica Sporazuma iz Cotonoua kao trenutnog okvira za odnose između EU-a i AKP-a da bi bio nastavljen sintezom ključnih elemenata novog globalnog razvojnogkonteksta. Poseban naglasak pritom je stavljen na element proširenog EU-a. U konačnici, ishod opažanja iskorišten je za donošenje zaključaka i konkretnih preporuka u pogledu nastavka suradnje dva bloka država. ; Having acceded to the European Union, the new Member States, or the EU13, as they are commonly called, have also acquired the traditional relationships of the older Member States, the EU15. Among them, the politically complex, financially massive and legally binding cooperation with former colonies in a very often far away land where contact, knowledge and presence is limited. With a view to the emerging post-Cotonou discussions within the EU, this paper examines how the relationship, in particular the development cooperation, between the EU and the ACP group of states can be advanced, having regard to several factors such as, externally, the new global architecture, challenges and stakeholders, internally, the new enlarged EU constellation, and inherently, the new upgraded development toolbox, enriched with the relatively fresh experience of democratic transition of the new Member States. Furthermore, Croatia, as the newest EU's enhancement, is taken into a more focused elaboration, with its obvious challenges, revealing opportunities and recommended role. Using the induction method, the paper begins with the descriptive analysis of the components of the Cotonou Agreement as a present framework for EUACP relations. It continues with a synthesis of the key elements of the new global development context, with a special emphasis put on the element of the enlarged EU. Subsequently, the results of the observation are used to establish conclusions and concrete recommendations for future cooperation between the two blocks of states.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

This article addresses the question of the relationship between Croatia & the Balkans as a geographical & civilisational space & the way it shaped discursive changes in the immediate post-Tudman period which started in the year 2000. The focus of the study is the articulation of 'the West' & 'the Balkans' in the Croatian political discourse that leads to the argument that a deeper cooperation between Croatia & the European Union is closely connected with the reconstruction of Croatian identity. The problem of the Balkans as the 'radical other' to the Croatian subject & difficulties in cooperation with that region demanded a thorough examination of Croatian identity & its relations with ethics & responsibility as promoted by the European Union. The study employs discourse analysis as a method of analyzing the text, which is rooted in the post-structuralist theoretical approach. Adapted from the source document.