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The paper aims to explore the irritants and opportunities of Pak-Afghan relations after 9/11 period. The paper found that the post 9/11 period involved Pakistan deeply in the peace process and eradication of terrorist activities in the region due to the strategic depth of Pakistan. As a result, Pakistan relations with Afghanistan suffered badly. For the sake of regional peace and harmony, Pakistan's role in US led coalition against terrorism in Afghanistan has been inevitable, however, it resulted counter-productive in respect to Pak-Afghan relations. The paper is qualitative in nature which has focused the historical facts and events of Pak-Afghan relations to trace out the question which factors remained the main hindrance towards to establishment of friendly Pak-Afghan relations. The paper also suggests that friendly Pak-Afghan relations are in the larger interest of both states since collaboration and cooperation between Pakistan and Afghanistan does not ensure peace in the region, they also can be the greatest economic and political partners of the region.

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.

The culmination of dialogue between religious communities is holding interreligious conferences. Until now, five such meetings were held in Macedonia, of which, the first one was at state level and it came as a result of the ethnic war in 2001, initiated by the President of the country and helped by the relevant researchers from the scope of the dialogue; the second one was a regional summit where the leaders of Southeast European countries attended; whereas, the last three conferences were at world level and were supported by Macedonian Government. In this research, it was used the descriptive method, relevant reports and results of a survey of the Institute for Democracy regarding interreligious dialogue were analyzed, whereas the interview was used as a technique. The hypothesis of this research is focused on the success of these conferences regarding population. The results show that despite the fact that these conferences have become part of government programs and the tradition for their organization has already been formed, they have deviated from their essence and initial vision, to be a catalyst of peace in the country and the region.