Suchergebnisse

Nach einem historischen Abriss und einer Analyse vorhandener staatlicher Kapazitäten, der Sicherheitslage, der sozialen und administrativen Dienstleistungen sowie einer Einschätzung der Schwierigkeiten der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit im Sudan wird das MISEREOR-Programm des deutschen Hilfswerkes der katholischen Kirche für die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit vorgestellt. Ziel von MISEREOR ist es, Entwicklung zu fördern, Armut weltweit zu bekämpfen, Menschen aus Ungerechtigkeit zu befreien, Solidarität mit den Armen und Verfolgten zu üben und sich am Aufbau "Einer Welt" zu beteiligen. Das Programm setzt sich aus drei Hauptbereichen zusammen: (1) Bildung, (2) Gesundheit, Abwasserentsorgung und Wasserversorgung, (3) Friedensentwicklung. Der Schwerpunkt des Ansatzes liegt dabei auf der Entwicklung von Leistungsfähigkeit innerhalb der Zivilgesellschaft und von lokalen MitarbeiterInnen, insbesondere im Bildungs- und Gesundheitssektor. Damit trägt das Programm zum Aufbau von verlässlichen Strukturen bei, die Grundvoraussetzungen für einen funktionierenden Staat sind. Damit dem Staat diese Aufgabe zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt übergeben werden kann, werden alle Schritte in enger Abstimmung mit öffentlichen Stellen durchgeführt, um die Sachkenntnis allmählich an staatliche Einrichtungen weiterzuleiten. (ICH).

"Security cooperation in the Balkans is an important impetus for regional stability and peace. After the end of the Cold War and the reestablishment of peace following the Balkan wars, there were many initiatives aiming to enhance the stability of the Balkan peninsula, for example the efforts to increase democratic oversight over the reforms in the security sectors of the Balkan nations, initiated by the Partnership for Peace programs, then bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the form of joint military task forces (i.a. MLF and SEEBRIG) and the regional contributions to peacekeeping operations in the region or throughout the world. In this article, we are going to present future perspectives for security cooperation in the Balkans. Historians used to say that the Balkans are the powder keg of Europe, therefore security in the Balkans is an integral part of European security. In addition to this, the Balkans are often still viewed as a security risk area. There is the question of what capacities Europe will have available in Future with regard to the area of military security, both regionally and globally. What could the Balkans contribute to Europe's future military effectiveness? This issue has become evident in decreasing defense budgets in Europe following the end of the Cold War and after the majority of European states suspended conscription and established all-volunteer forces, which essentially decreased the number of soldiers in national militaries throughout Europe." (author's abstract)

Examines efforts at regional collaboration in New England higher education. The history of New England's colleges & universities & their common challenges are summarized. Interstate cooperation through informal agreements & regional organizations is reviewed with commentary on the political & historical factors that encourage &/or inhibit this regionalism. The establishment, conventions, publications, & services of the New England Board of Higher Education are detailed as a case study in regional cooperation. The possibilities for greater regional collaboration in higher education are speculated. 11 References. L. Collins Leigh

"This article is comprised of four parts. First, it outlines key features of the traditional Italian approach to defence cooperation which are likely to remain in place in the next years. Second, it discusses the main consequences of the recent defence budget cuts in Europe. Then, it analyses the current position of the Italian government an European defence cooperation, and the likely approach of the new government resulting from the 2013 general elections. Finally, it sketches some implications for small EU member states." (author's abstract)

An examination of the transference of sovereignty to the European Union (EU) by member states focuses on the link between migration & security. It is contended that fears about transnational crime related to migration have overridden traditional objections to a loss of sovereignty. Connections between personal security, illegal migration, & the transfer of sovereignty detailed in the Amsterdam Treaty are discussed in relation to planned EU enlargement. The political dynamics created by establishing these connections is explored, along with the impact of EU enlargement on the migration policies of applicant states. Special attention is given to the politics of law enforcement & the willingness of applicant states to comply with EU objectives related to fighting organized crime. EU member state cooperation on migration is said to be considerably greater than that found in other regional organizations. EU members are not as sovereign as non-EU member states due to movement toward the European-wide integration of member state migration policies that is likely to continue & strengthen. 75 References. J. Lindroth

Investigates the incorporation of certain kinds of social movements into state structures, drawing on an empirical analysis of case studies of ecology & solidarity movements in France & Switzerland based on 6 interviews, survey data, & a review of government documents. It is suggested that the cooperation between these social movements & the state represents a qualitatively different process of incorporation than the traditional process experienced by labor movements. In particular, the content of the exchange between social movement actors & the state, the construction of shared goals, the place of agency, & the self-reflective character of the interactions suggest that these social movements have undergone a distinctive path toward incorporation. It is unclear whether this new process is temporary, but it is apparent that movements taking this path have made an impact on both state structures & the political process itself. 2 Tables, 2 Figures. D. Ryfe

This paper presents an introduction to forms of cooperation on European, intergovernmental, federal state, regional and municipal levels. The EU Community Initiative INTERREG is described as a significant funding instrument for cross-border cooperation. This excursus thus provides background knowledge for many of the papers in this volume.

"The French military intervention in Mali (dubbed Operation Serval -Wildcat-) triggered, at the outset, hesitant if not ill-disposed reactions in most European capitals even if, later, in a very formal manner the EU did support the French operation. The lack of actual commitment from France's European partners beyond verbal support left, rightly or wrongly, a feeling of resentment in France which, in response, has 'liberated' the French in regard to the complex and delicate issue of EU defence cooperation. The intervention revealed gloomy realities about the current situation of EU defence cooperation and its likely prospects. For the French tangible security issues are, so far, no longer specifically positioned in the eastern part of Europe, they are also located in a volatile and unpredictable area spreading from Dakar to Karachi. The difference of perception between Paris and many European capitals raises the question of the significance of European defence as a positive and encouraging project when such a divide now exists between member states." (author's abstract)

Explores changes in Russian-Western relations since 11 September 2001. Russia's relations with Europe & the US are traced since the collapse of the Soviet Union, noting Russia's evolution from pro-American foreign policy, through a period of disappointment, to a phase of mutual mistrust. In spite of a consensus among the Russian political elite to give moral & political support to the US after 9/11, there was opposition to military cooperation. Reasons for President Putin's decision to provide military support in Afghanistan are examined, noting it was partly based on difficulties Russia faced because of Islamist extremists, especially in Chechnya. Prerequisites for a broad international antiterrorist coalition are discussed, along with feelings among Russians & Europeans that the US is not truly interested in multilateralism; problems involved in Russia's relations with the European Union & the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, especially in regard to democratization; & the impact of "anti-terrorist" cooperation on Russia's domestic situation. It remains unknown whether closer Russian-Western relations will result in greater differences or a real partnership. J. Lindroth