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Northern Europe is doing well, despite the crisis. Sweden has logged particularly brilliant results in terms of growth and balancing its budget. The recovery in Finland and Denmark is slower, but forecasts are still optimistic. Norway continues to rely on its vast oil resources to overcome its difficulties. Under these conditions, wouldn't the Nordic countries be well advised to join forces in order to make themselves heard internationally and to protect their common interests? The question is being addressed by the Nordic Council-the main forum for regional cooperation. In November 2010, its publication of a book, calling for the formation of a Nordic Federal State, started the debate. Supporters and opponents of this "realistic utopia" are girding their loins for battle. In the final analysis, however, this beautiful idea may well be smashed by the rise of a nationalistic and xenophobic current in all of these countries, which tends to favor circling the wagons instead of defending common values. Adapted from the source document.

The permanent structured cooperation set out in the EU treaty is the subject of much speculation. This instrument of the Common Security and Defence Policy is currently unexploited; the author believes that it could be put into force in a progressive and pragmatic way, taking account of the specificities of member states. He sketches out some specific ways of doing this.

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manque cruellement de moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlé. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont déroulés ...

This article examines Liberia's reconstruction by external actors and it analyses in particular Liberia's Governance and Economic Management Assistance Programme (GEMAP), a program which implies co-signatures by international experts for state expenditures. The paper argues that Liberia is in a paradoxical situation between conditioned partnership and co-sovereignty with its international partners, which is neither voluntary, nor clearly imposed. The author adopts a theoretical framework based on path-dependency to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon. She analyses the basis and the functions of GEMAP to illustrate this situation. Adapted from the source document.

The establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. The two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC which dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. The EPC therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the Community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since State actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. The different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. By taking these points into consideration, the article analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning as well as ability to assert Europe's role in the world notably through the declaration on European identity. The EPC also conveyed the Nine's messages on international issues, such as the CSCE and the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.

The creation of the euro area in 1999 and the subsequent introduction of the euro as a common currency in 2002 were results of a long process of preparation that went back as far as 1947. On the basis of original documents stored in archives in several European countries, this book traces and explains the discussions in the formative years of both the ideas for a monetary union and of the European integration process as such. Its contents reveals that the basic issue to be resolved has remained the same over time: how to organize effective monetary cooperation between ultimately sovereign states. The result of an international cooperative effort of two research institutes, Huygens ING from the Netherlands and the Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe from Luxembourg, this is the first book to appear on this topic that combines official documents with in-depth archival sources

The principle of loyal cooperation affects the balance between Member State autonomy and obligation to ensure the attainment of the objectives of the Union. Unity in the external representation is regulated by the principle of loyal cooperation. In the internal field, the principle has an autonomous identification function despite the interference with structural and conflict of norms related principles.

The European Union's development cooperation policy represents an important part of its external action, not least in budgetary terms. This thesis deals with the way soft norms (democracy, human rights and the rule of law) are promoted through development cooperation. The concept of « normative power » (Manners, 2002) is used as an idealtype to analyze the way the Union handles its development cooperation policy. The development cooperation policy is studied in its general dimension, through the analysis of European methods, and in its concrete dimension, i.e. through the field study of projects funded by the EU in partner countries. The case of projects supporting penitentiary reform was selected, as it allowed us to study the diffusion of norms on the ground in an area of sovereignty. Ultimately, the EU doesn't reveal much normative uniqueness compared to the other actors of international relations. The qualification of « normative power » doesn't seem appropriate for the EU as an international actor. The development cooperation policy is dependent on the external policy, and strategic concerns prevail over the diffusion of norms. On the ground, the EU delegations consider the development projects as a bureaucratic exercise, aimed at embodying the relation of cooperation, whatever the final results of the projects. Still, these projects create a forum where foreign experts and civil servants from the beneficiary state can exchange on their administrative practices and potentially imagine new public policy « solutions ». ; La politique de coopération au développement représente une part très importante de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne, ne serait-ce qu'en termes budgétaires. Cette thèse s'interroge sur la manière dont les valeurs inscrites dans les traités européens (démocratie, droits de l'homme et Etat de droit) sont promues par le biais de la coopération au développement. Pour ce faire, le concept de « puissance normative » (Manners, 2002) a été mobilisé comme idéaltype afin d'analyser la façon ...

The European Union's development cooperation policy represents an important part of its external action, not least in budgetary terms. This thesis deals with the way soft norms (democracy, human rights and the rule of law) are promoted through development cooperation. The concept of « normative power » (Manners, 2002) is used as an idealtype to analyze the way the Union handles its development cooperation policy. The development cooperation policy is studied in its general dimension, through the analysis of European methods, and in its concrete dimension, i.e. through the field study of projects funded by the EU in partner countries. The case of projects supporting penitentiary reform was selected, as it allowed us to study the diffusion of norms on the ground in an area of sovereignty. Ultimately, the EU doesn't reveal much normative uniqueness compared to the other actors of international relations. The qualification of « normative power » doesn't seem appropriate for the EU as an international actor. The development cooperation policy is dependent on the external policy, and strategic concerns prevail over the diffusion of norms. On the ground, the EU delegations consider the development projects as a bureaucratic exercise, aimed at embodying the relation of cooperation, whatever the final results of the projects. Still, these projects create a forum where foreign experts and civil servants from the beneficiary state can exchange on their administrative practices and potentially imagine new public policy « solutions ». ; La politique de coopération au développement représente une part très importante de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne, ne serait-ce qu'en termes budgétaires. Cette thèse s'interroge sur la manière dont les valeurs inscrites dans les traités européens (démocratie, droits de l'homme et Etat de droit) sont promues par le biais de la coopération au développement. Pour ce faire, le concept de « puissance normative » (Manners, 2002) a été mobilisé comme idéaltype afin d'analyser la façon ...

The European Union's development cooperation policy represents an important part of its external action, not least in budgetary terms. This thesis deals with the way soft norms (democracy, human rights and the rule of law) are promoted through development cooperation. The concept of « normative power » (Manners, 2002) is used as an idealtype to analyze the way the Union handles its development cooperation policy. The development cooperation policy is studied in its general dimension, through the analysis of European methods, and in its concrete dimension, i.e. through the field study of projects funded by the EU in partner countries. The case of projects supporting penitentiary reform was selected, as it allowed us to study the diffusion of norms on the ground in an area of sovereignty. Ultimately, the EU doesn't reveal much normative uniqueness compared to the other actors of international relations. The qualification of « normative power » doesn't seem appropriate for the EU as an international actor. The development cooperation policy is dependent on the external policy, and strategic concerns prevail over the diffusion of norms. On the ground, the EU delegations consider the development projects as a bureaucratic exercise, aimed at embodying the relation of cooperation, whatever the final results of the projects. Still, these projects create a forum where foreign experts and civil servants from the beneficiary state can exchange on their administrative practices and potentially imagine new public policy « solutions ». ; La politique de coopération au développement représente une part très importante de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne, ne serait-ce qu'en termes budgétaires. Cette thèse s'interroge sur la manière dont les valeurs inscrites dans les traités européens (démocratie, droits de l'homme et Etat de droit) sont promues par le biais de la coopération au développement. Pour ce faire, le concept de « puissance normative » (Manners, 2002) a été mobilisé comme idéaltype afin d'analyser la façon ...

The main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on. ; L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACP.

The main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on. ; L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACP.