Suchergebnisse

Shanghai Cooperation Organization was founded in 2001 under a Declaration signed by the leaders of five independent states from the territory of former Soviet Union and the President of the People's Republic of China. The Charter, adopted by the organization's member states as their basic document, emphasizes their commitment to strengthen their mutual trust and good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation; to keep and maintain the peace, stability and security of the region; as well as to fight together against all forms of terrorism, separatism and extremism. Although there are significant differences between the member states in almost all matters of social and governmental organization, over its ten-year existence the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has proved its vitality and has become respectable entity not only of the regional but also of international cooperation on the whole. In recent years all main actors of contemporary international relations have tried to establish and develop the cooperation with this important intergovernmental association. What the further development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will be like and where the organization will be positioned within the future world order is difficult to be definitely determined. Apart from the role of the two leading states of this organization - Russia and China, its eventual position will be greatly influenced by other major international factors as well, which, in the era of unstable energy and other forms of security, find the area of Central Asia ever more significant and attractive.

Northern Europe is doing well, despite the crisis. Sweden has logged particularly brilliant results in terms of growth and balancing its budget. The recovery in Finland and Denmark is slower, but forecasts are still optimistic. Norway continues to rely on its vast oil resources to overcome its difficulties. Under these conditions, wouldn't the Nordic countries be well advised to join forces in order to make themselves heard internationally and to protect their common interests? The question is being addressed by the Nordic Council-the main forum for regional cooperation. In November 2010, its publication of a book, calling for the formation of a Nordic Federal State, started the debate. Supporters and opponents of this "realistic utopia" are girding their loins for battle. In the final analysis, however, this beautiful idea may well be smashed by the rise of a nationalistic and xenophobic current in all of these countries, which tends to favor circling the wagons instead of defending common values. Adapted from the source document.

The permanent structured cooperation set out in the EU treaty is the subject of much speculation. This instrument of the Common Security and Defence Policy is currently unexploited; the author believes that it could be put into force in a progressive and pragmatic way, taking account of the specificities of member states. He sketches out some specific ways of doing this.

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manque cruellement de moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlé. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont déroulés ...

This article examines Liberia's reconstruction by external actors and it analyses in particular Liberia's Governance and Economic Management Assistance Programme (GEMAP), a program which implies co-signatures by international experts for state expenditures. The paper argues that Liberia is in a paradoxical situation between conditioned partnership and co-sovereignty with its international partners, which is neither voluntary, nor clearly imposed. The author adopts a theoretical framework based on path-dependency to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon. She analyses the basis and the functions of GEMAP to illustrate this situation. Adapted from the source document.

The creation of the euro area in 1999 and the subsequent introduction of the euro as a common currency in 2002 were results of a long process of preparation that went back as far as 1947. On the basis of original documents stored in archives in several European countries, this book traces and explains the discussions in the formative years of both the ideas for a monetary union and of the European integration process as such. Its contents reveals that the basic issue to be resolved has remained the same over time: how to organize effective monetary cooperation between ultimately sovereign states. The result of an international cooperative effort of two research institutes, Huygens ING from the Netherlands and the Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe from Luxembourg, this is the first book to appear on this topic that combines official documents with in-depth archival sources

The principle of loyal cooperation affects the balance between Member State autonomy and obligation to ensure the attainment of the objectives of the Union. Unity in the external representation is regulated by the principle of loyal cooperation. In the internal field, the principle has an autonomous identification function despite the interference with structural and conflict of norms related principles.

United States participation in international politics during the period between the two world wars, come not only from the general and often declarative interest in peace, but was also a consequence of extremely rapid expansion of their foreign trade and overseas capital investments. It was a period of intense financial diplomacy, when efforts to maintain the gold standard, to determine the amount of reparations and the manner of payment of war debts, brought confusion not only in relations between victors and vanquished, but also in relations between the United States and its former European allies. Abandonment of the gold standard and the creation of the tripartite agreement between the United States, Britain and France, in the 1936, was a milestone in the development of international monetary cooperation and the role of United States in international economic relations. .

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the 'independence' of the European Atomic Energy Community, constituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, constituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed.

International cooperation is criticized by emerging powers as too Western-centric. Western powers themselves are equally critical of international cooperation for failing adequately to harness emerging powers. Existing theories of cooperation assume a stable geo-political order, led by countries with a shared conception of the scope and modalities of global cooperation. These assumptions are no longer justified. 'Western liberal order' is in a protracted process of transition. However, there is no new hegemon that would be able (or willing) to replace the United States and to push for a redesign of the global governance architecture from scratch. Emerging powers are engaging in global cooperation in their own way and on their own terms. In sum, while there seems to be a growing demand for effective global cooperation, there are no longer universally applicable concepts to analyze it nor a common language with which to describe it. This paper looks at the changing structural conditions of international cooperation in a period of order transition by examining the dynamics between emerging countries and G-x groups. It develops the argument that G-x groupings offer platforms to renegotiate the underlying constitutional bargain of the Western liberal order. The huge asymmetries of power in the post-Cold War international system and the substantial (structural) challenges of the Western liberal order has led to growing recourse to informal institutions. They have come to play a range of critical roles and occupy a vital space between multilateral governance on the one hand and traditional major power diplomacy on the other. This paper develops an analytical framework able to explain the changing nature of cooperation under power transition. Adapted from the source document.

From 1965, the USSR sought to take advantage of the French policy of détente launched by General de Gaulle towards the Warsaw Pact's countries to set the borders in Europe and to obtain Western acknowledgment of the Soviet control over Eastern Europe. But France was in favour of a détente which would lead to overcome bipolarity created by the Cold War ; it did want to confirm the European political and territorial status quo. From 1969, France gradually decided to use the conference project to point out its vision of Europe: the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe had to promote the coming together of peoples of the whole continent and to encourage each nation to speak with its own particular voice, outside military alliances.When thirty-three European countries, the United States and Canada met, from 1972 to 1975, in order to negociate the Final Act's content, the French and their European Community partners tried to make the conference a multilateral continuation of the Gaullist policy of détente.From this perspective, they first made sure that borders could be changed by peaceful means: it was crucial to reserve the German people's right to be reunified. They also acted to make the CSCE facilitate cultural cooperation and movement of persons between East and West. According to President Georges Pompidou, the main goals were to transmit the « freedom virus » to the communist countries and to drive a wedge into the bipolar system. ; A partir de 1965, l'URSS cherche à profiter de la politique de « détente, entente, coopération » lancée par le général de Gaulle auprès des pays du pacte de Varsovie pour obtenir, via une conférence sur la sécurité européenne, le gel de l'ensemble des frontières du continent et la reconnaissance de la mainmise soviétique sur l'Europe de l'Est. Sauf que la France, partisane au contraire d'une détente censée aboutir au dépassement de l'ordre bipolaire issu de la guerre froide, n'entend pas entériner le statu quo politique et territorial européen. Dès 1969, la France ...

From 1965, the USSR sought to take advantage of the French policy of détente launched by General de Gaulle towards the Warsaw Pact's countries to set the borders in Europe and to obtain Western acknowledgment of the Soviet control over Eastern Europe. But France was in favour of a détente which would lead to overcome bipolarity created by the Cold War ; it did want to confirm the European political and territorial status quo. From 1969, France gradually decided to use the conference project to point out its vision of Europe: the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe had to promote the coming together of peoples of the whole continent and to encourage each nation to speak with its own particular voice, outside military alliances.When thirty-three European countries, the United States and Canada met, from 1972 to 1975, in order to negociate the Final Act's content, the French and their European Community partners tried to make the conference a multilateral continuation of the Gaullist policy of détente.From this perspective, they first made sure that borders could be changed by peaceful means: it was crucial to reserve the German people's right to be reunified. They also acted to make the CSCE facilitate cultural cooperation and movement of persons between East and West. According to President Georges Pompidou, the main goals were to transmit the « freedom virus » to the communist countries and to drive a wedge into the bipolar system. ; A partir de 1965, l'URSS cherche à profiter de la politique de « détente, entente, coopération » lancée par le général de Gaulle auprès des pays du pacte de Varsovie pour obtenir, via une conférence sur la sécurité européenne, le gel de l'ensemble des frontières du continent et la reconnaissance de la mainmise soviétique sur l'Europe de l'Est. Sauf que la France, partisane au contraire d'une détente censée aboutir au dépassement de l'ordre bipolaire issu de la guerre froide, n'entend pas entériner le statu quo politique et territorial européen. Dès 1969, la France décide peu à peu de se servir du projet de conférence pour promouvoir sa vision de l'Europe : la Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe doit d'une part favoriser le rapprochement entre tous les peuples du continent et d'autre part encourager chaque nation à s'exprimer en son nom propre, en dehors des alliances militaires.Lorsque trente-trois Etats européens, les Etats-Unis et le Canada se réunissent, de 1972 à 1975, pour négocier le contenu du futur Acte final de la CSCE, les Français tentent, avec leurs partenaires de la Communauté européenne, de faire de la conférence le prolongement multilatéral de la politique gaullienne de détente. Dans cette optique, ils veillent d'abord à ce que les frontières puissent être modifiées de façon pacifique : il s'agit de permettre à l'Allemagne d'être un jour réunifiée. Ils œuvrent également pour que la conférence facilite la coopération culturelle et la circulation des personnes entre l'Est et l'Ouest, le but étant, selon le président Pompidou, de transmettre aux pays communistes le « virus de la liberté » et d'enfoncer un coin dans le système des blocs.