Since 1976, there have been twenty-five recorded epidemics of the Ebola virus. The 2014 outbreak is the most serious. Despite rapidly reaching an international level, Western states underestimated its effects. They were very slow to react and left non-governmental organizations to deal with the crisis alone for far too long. It was not until September that they finally recognized the need to mobilize significant means to tackle this exceptional epidemic. Adapted from the source document.
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
The paper deals with cross-border insolvency protocols as special source of insolvency law. Protocols are agreements between parties in insolvency procedure that deal with many significant questions in order to establish cooperation and coordination between participants. Protocols are used in cross-border insolvency proceedings in order to overcome differences between state legislation that can pose major obstacle for maximization of the value or efficient reorganization procedure. This instrument has special significance in cases of cross-border-group-insolvencies. Namely, in this case every subsidiary is a separate entity, but the preservation of economic value of the group as a whole calls for cooperation between insolvency practitioners and/or judges. The topic is especially interesting having in mind that European Insolvency regulation Recast explicitly mentions the use of protocols as means of cooperation (Recital 49). This will most definitely have broader implications on insolvency laws of civil law countries and it will contribute to wider use of protocols in these countries.
International police and other cooperation is a necessity of the modern world and imperative for the survival of human civilization. The goal of cooperation is that states and the international community unite in opposing crime as the greatest peacetime evil in the world. This is particularly in relation to organized crime, terrorism, and corruption and other most serious forms of crime in contemporary society. Cooperation takes place at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Bilateral cooperation mainly has a trans-border character of neighboring countries, while the regional cooperation between states within certain areas such as the SEE region (Western Balkan) or Europe (e.g. Europol). Multilateral cooperation is mainly on a broader level, e.g. in the field of combating terrorism or through universal organizations (e.g. Interpol). International police cooperation in Europe has a long tradition. One part takes place today in this area through the OSCE, with the caveat that this is a global organization that deals with security issues. The Council of Europe is the next organization through which co-operation began in the past and is partly carried out to this day, given that it brings all European countries together (except Belarus). Cooperation is more intensive still throughout the European Union, its forerunners, the current forms of the organization and present mechanisms (EAW- European surrender and arrest warrant).53 The cooperation in the EU, that takes place through Europol as a specialized agency of the Union is especially current, but with minimal operational competencies. In the SEE region, a significant cooperation between countries of the former Yugoslavia and countries in its neighborhood has been achieved. This cooperation is not only based on bilateral and multilateral acts, but primarily regional documents of which the most important are the International Convention on Police Cooperation in SEE and SELEC Convention. According to these and other acts, all the countries in the region have taken part in regional cooperation, since the fight against crime is the common interest of all. This applies in particular to organized crime, terrorism, corruption and other most serious forms of crime. Extremely important shapes, forms and mechanisms of international police cooperation are: exchange of information, joint investigation teams, joint operational actions, liaison officers, contact points, regional centers for police and customs cooperation, joint police stations and others. To recap, international police cooperation in the world today is an expression of anti-criminal solidarity between states and its prospects are clear, because the danger of crime is global and requires a harmonized response at the international level.
The interest in the Arctic has grown through the environmental issues and climate change that deeply altered the region, especially with the impact of the global warming. These changes bring many threats but also important opportunities, and require a deeper cooperation to respond to them. The protection of the environment, the management of Arctic resources (natural, fishery, etc.), the use of sea routes, the delimitation of maritime boundaries, the respect of human rights and of indigenous peoples rights, the strategic and military aspects are all examples of the issues that coexist in the Arctic. They highlight the challenges that the cooperation in the Arctic is facing. None of these issues could solely be managed by the cooperation between the Arctic States, as their consequences and the interests at stake are global. In addition to the multitude of areas of cooperation, there is a congruence of actors: Arctic and extra-Arctic ones such as international organizations, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, but also regions, inter-parliamentary organizations, indigenous peoples or scientific associations. The complexity of the situation is perceptible in the way the Arctic cooperation is established. Tensions exist both among the Arctic actors and between Arctic and extra-Arctic actors. Two contradictory processes seem to structure the cooperation with the regionalization on the one hand, and the internationalization on the other hand. Thus, cooperation between Arctic stakeholders is built around many international institutions, which structures and roles will certainly evolve. The central structure of the Arctic cooperation is the Arctic Council – a regional institution. At the same time, the cooperation in the Arctic region is based on global international cooperations, with essential instruments as the Convention on the law of the sea of 1982. Arctic cooperation seems to be an interesting model based on flexibility that should enable adaptation, which is especially important in a ...
The interest in the Arctic has grown through the environmental issues and climate change that deeply altered the region, especially with the impact of the global warming. These changes bring many threats but also important opportunities, and require a deeper cooperation to respond to them. The protection of the environment, the management of Arctic resources (natural, fishery, etc.), the use of sea routes, the delimitation of maritime boundaries, the respect of human rights and of indigenous peoples rights, the strategic and military aspects are all examples of the issues that coexist in the Arctic. They highlight the challenges that the cooperation in the Arctic is facing. None of these issues could solely be managed by the cooperation between the Arctic States, as their consequences and the interests at stake are global. In addition to the multitude of areas of cooperation, there is a congruence of actors: Arctic and extra-Arctic ones such as international organizations, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, but also regions, inter-parliamentary organizations, indigenous peoples or scientific associations. The complexity of the situation is perceptible in the way the Arctic cooperation is established. Tensions exist both among the Arctic actors and between Arctic and extra-Arctic actors. Two contradictory processes seem to structure the cooperation with the regionalization on the one hand, and the internationalization on the other hand. Thus, cooperation between Arctic stakeholders is built around many international institutions, which structures and roles will certainly evolve. The central structure of the Arctic cooperation is the Arctic Council – a regional institution. At the same time, the cooperation in the Arctic region is based on global international cooperations, with essential instruments as the Convention on the law of the sea of 1982. Arctic cooperation seems to be an interesting model based on flexibility that should enable adaptation, which is especially important in a ...
In Europe, the Schengen crisis, spurred off by the unexpected migration flow in 2015, led to a re-questioning of the functions of "borders" in European integration. Especially the ideal of a "Europe without borders" is crumbling and the re-introduction of border controls in several EU member states not only slows down the process of European Integration, but also represents an obstacle to cross-border cooperation. One of the main consequences of this crisis is also growing euroscepticism and a new fear of integration which might even lead to the disintegration of the EU. The present publication regroups the contributions to four "castle-talks on cross-border cooperation" organized at the château Pourtalès, in Strasbourg, between 2012 and 2016, in the framework of Birte Wassenberg's Erasmus and Jean Monnet activities supported by the European Commission. The different contributions deal with the theoretical link between borders, international relations and cross-border cooperation, by examining borders as places of cross-border governance, as gatekeepers of sovereignty and security, as "scars" of history and as places of reconciliation.
Cooperation in civil service matters in the EU has an informal nature because the Treaties do not grant the EU with legal competencies regarding the Member States' public administration organisations and their related human resources policies. Nevertheless, EU law and policies have greatly affected the administrative, organisational, legal and political structures of the Member States. This article is discussing the functioning of this cooperation within the framework of the European Public Administration Network (EUPAN). It shows to what extend this network became a forum aimed at exchanging information on best practices and on public management innovation and why its impact is limited.
The establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. The two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC which dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. The EPC therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the Community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since State actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. The different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. By taking these points into consideration, the article analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning as well as ability to assert Europe's role in the world notably through the declaration on European identity. The EPC also conveyed the Nine's messages on international issues, such as the CSCE and the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.
Theoretical frameworks no longer explain our understanding of the new challenges faced by international development cooperation stakeholders. The end of the Cold War, the political affirmation of "emerging countries", and the growing activism of non-state actors (NGOs, private sector, foundations, academia, etc.) are shattering the traditional paradigm. Furthermore, the increasing importance of private flows alongside the relative stagnation of ODA is redefining traditional donor's role. In this sense, it is necessary to revitalize the analysis to comprehend this international phenomenon.Over the last twenty years, the economic success of emerging economies contrasts with the persisting inequalities and marginalization problems that they shelter. Despite the various challenges that they still face, these "Southern Providers" are increasing their cooperation programs. South-South Cooperation has risen steadily since the year 2000. In 2013 these flows represented a total of 23.5 USD billion, while Official Development Assistance of OECD countries attained 135.1 USD billion during the same year.Inside the so-called "Southern Providers", the scope is often overlooked or ignored. In Mexico for instance, the approval of a law in 2011 implemented a new international development cooperation system. The wide range of projects in Central America (considered by Mexican stakeholders as their "natural influence zone") are formulated to sit within a legal framework, while the law is planned to be extended beyond these type of projects. Given these renewed ambitions, there is a need to better understand what is being done by Mexico in this area. As such, it is estimated that Mexican cooperation flows accounted for 551 USD millions in 2013.In this respect, the current discrepancies between traditional and South-South Cooperation raises several issues. If traditional donors' practices are discussed within the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD, those of Southern Providers remain out of reach. Therefore, the classic ...
The creation of the euro area in 1999 and the subsequent introduction of the euro as a common currency in 2002 were results of a long process of preparation that went back as far as 1947. On the basis of original documents stored in archives in several European countries, this book traces and explains the discussions in the formative years of both the ideas for a monetary union and of the European integration process as such. Its contents reveals that the basic issue to be resolved has remained the same over time: how to organize effective monetary cooperation between ultimately sovereign states. The result of an international cooperative effort of two research institutes, Huygens ING from the Netherlands and the Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe from Luxembourg, this is the first book to appear on this topic that combines official documents with in-depth archival sources
Relations between the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and the European Union com withinthe framework of the Cotonou Agreement signed in 2000, revised in 2005 in Luxembourg andin 2010 in Burkina Faso. But geostrategic considerations led Mauritania to open a newframework of cooperation with the European Union as part of the Euromed partnership.Historically inaugurated by the Treaty of Rome 1957, these relations were extended by theYaoundé and Lomé Conventions. The Cotonou Agreement that currently governs theirrelationship rests on three pillars: political dialogue, trade relations and developmentcooperation, in the service of an ambitious objective of reducing and, eventually, eradicatingpoverty in line with sustainable development objectives and the gradual integration of ACPcountries into the world economy. In this context we will examine the evolution of thispartnership by focusing on those changes that have affected both the ACP and the EuropeanUnion.From the legal point of view, we will see how the commercial partnership based on anon-reciprocal preference will adapt to rules of international law. Furthermore, the extensionof the scope of the partnership to encompass political issues which had long been the domainof States sovereignty under the principle of non-interference will be challenged by a politicalconditionality.Lastly we will see that with the proliferation of actors in development in the changingworld, the European Union is no more than one amongst many of Mauritania's, all of whomhave a different vision in relation to strategies and methods under Cotonou Agreement ; Les relations entre la République islamique de Mauritanie et l'Union européennes'inscrivent dans le cadre de l'Accord de Cotonou signé en 2000, révisé en 2005 auLuxembourg et en 2010 au Burkina Faso. Mais des considérations géostratégiques ontconduit la Mauritanie à ouvrir un nouveau cadre de Coopération avec l'Union européennedans le partenariat Euromed.Historiquement inauguré par le traité de Rome de 1957, ces relations se ...
