Suchergebnisse

U ovom prilogu u prijepisu je doneseno nekoliko dokumenata koji se odnose na osnivanje i djelovanje Odsjeka X, koji je krajem 1942. osnovan u sastavu Glavnog ravnateljstva za javni red i sigurnost Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH). Navedeni odsjek trebao je proučavati četnički pokret na području NDH, odnosno trebao je nastaviti voditi već prije započetu suradnju vlasti NDH s pojedinim četničkim odredima. Također se Odsjek X trebao baviti i partizanskim pokretom. Dokumenti u ovom prilogu donose podatke o osnivanju Odsjeka X, načinu njegova rada, ali prikazuju i kako su u tom odsjeku objasnili uzroke nastanka četničkog i partizanskog pokreta na području NDH. ; The paper contains transcripts of several documents pertaining to the establishment and activities of the Department X. The Department was established in late 1942 within the Main Directorate for Public Order and Safety of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). The task of the Department X was to gather intelligence information about Chetnik units and to establish contacts and cooperation with them. But the Department X also had a task to gather information about the Partisan movement. After the proclamation of the NDH, headed by the Ustasha regime, it initiated a campaign of state terror against the Serb population. The NDH labelled this population "Greek-Eastern" and later "Orthodox". This terror led to the uprising of Serbs that gradually developed into two mutually opposed movements – Chetniks, loyal to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and Partisans led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The struggle between royalists and communists led Chetniks into cooperation with the Axis powers. During mid-1942 some Chetnik detachments operating in Bosnia made ceasefire agreements with the NDH authorities. The NDH did not give up from crushing the uprising by force, but along with negotiations with Chetniks it also initiated some other measures whose aim was to lessen the animosity and distrust of the Orthodox population toward the regime. Despite all this, the NDH regime was weak and it ultimately could not restore order neither with military force, nor with measures of peaceful pacification. The Department X duty was to take complete control and leadership over the already established contacts with Chetniks, as well as to investigate the possibility of further cooperation with them. Concerning the transcribed documents of the Department X in the paper they show how it commenced with its activities but they also contain analysis of the Department X about the causes that led to the appearance of the Chetnik (and the Partisan) movement on the NDH territory. The analysis is interesting because the Department X (in)directly concluded that the NDH regime itself, with its policy of terror against Serbs in 1941, bears the main responsibility for the uprising. Therefore, at least some elements in the higher NDH administration were aware that the regime's policy of state terror against the Serb population was ultimately counterproductive because it led to a large scale uprising of the Serb population. But, as mentioned, when the Department X reached such conclusion it was too late to rectify the consequences of the NDH policy during 1941. It should also be noted that analyses of the Department X were top secret documents intended only for the highest NDH officials.

In its 45 years of existence, NATO has evolved dramatically. This has occurred due to the changes happening within the alliance itself (increased number of member countries, changes within the countries, & in the relations among them) & to the influence of outside factors ensuing from the developments in international relations in general & within the adversarial bloc in particular. The cessation of the Cold War & the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact in the early 1990s confronted NATO with new challenges, particularly in relation to the countries of Eastern & Southeastern Europe & Russia. The fact that the document "Partnership for Peace" was adopted at the start of 1994 (representing a platform for the relations with the countries of "new democracy") & that it was signed by 26 countries meant the overall acceptance of the conceptual document of European security on the threshold of the 21st century. This document provides democratic countries outside NATO with the possibility of cooperating with its political & military bodies & paves the way for their full membership. If regular criteria were applied, Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina could count on joining "Partnership for Peace" only after they have resolved internal conflicts & frictions with their neighbors by political means. Nevertheless, depending on further developments in the region, it is possible that Croatia might jump the queue & be accepted in "Partnership for Peace" before its turn. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Po pristupanju EU-u, 13 novih država članica preuzelo je i tradicionalne međunarodne odnose 15 starih država članica, među koje svakako spada i politički složena, financijski izdašna i pravno obvezujuća suradnja s bivšim kolonijama u dalekim zemljama s kojima je kontakt, znanje i prisutnost za nove članice i dalje ograničen. U jeku rasprave o budućnosti odnosa između EU-a i zemalja Afrike, Kariba i Pacifika nakon isteka Sporazuma iz Cotonoua 2020. godine, kojim su ovi odnosi politički, gospodarski i razvojno uokvireni, ovim radom obuhvaćeni su postojeći modeli i nove mogućnosti suradnje, naročito u razvojnoj domeni, promatrajući pritom nekoliko prevladavajućih čimbenika – vanjski u pogledu nove globalne arhitekture, izazova i dionika; unutarnji u pogledu nove, proširene Europske unije; i inherentni u pogledu novog razvojnog alata EU-a, koji je obogaćen iskustvima demokratske tranzicije novih članica. Rad je posebno usredotočen na položaj i mogućnosti Hrvatske kao najnovije države članice sa svojim izazovima, prilikama i preporučenom ulogom u ovome procesu. Koristeći metodu indukcije rad je započet deskriptivnom analizom sastavnica Sporazuma iz Cotonoua kao trenutnog okvira za odnose između EU-a i AKP-a da bi bio nastavljen sintezom ključnih elemenata novog globalnog razvojnogkonteksta. Poseban naglasak pritom je stavljen na element proširenog EU-a. U konačnici, ishod opažanja iskorišten je za donošenje zaključaka i konkretnih preporuka u pogledu nastavka suradnje dva bloka država. ; Having acceded to the European Union, the new Member States, or the EU13, as they are commonly called, have also acquired the traditional relationships of the older Member States, the EU15. Among them, the politically complex, financially massive and legally binding cooperation with former colonies in a very often far away land where contact, knowledge and presence is limited. With a view to the emerging post-Cotonou discussions within the EU, this paper examines how the relationship, in particular the development cooperation, between the EU and the ACP group of states can be advanced, having regard to several factors such as, externally, the new global architecture, challenges and stakeholders, internally, the new enlarged EU constellation, and inherently, the new upgraded development toolbox, enriched with the relatively fresh experience of democratic transition of the new Member States. Furthermore, Croatia, as the newest EU's enhancement, is taken into a more focused elaboration, with its obvious challenges, revealing opportunities and recommended role. Using the induction method, the paper begins with the descriptive analysis of the components of the Cotonou Agreement as a present framework for EUACP relations. It continues with a synthesis of the key elements of the new global development context, with a special emphasis put on the element of the enlarged EU. Subsequently, the results of the observation are used to establish conclusions and concrete recommendations for future cooperation between the two blocks of states.

Created in 1994, the Partnership for Peace (PfP) is an ambitious initiative launched by NATO to promote cooperation between this organization & nonmember states. The cooperation principles on which the PfP program is based are outlined, & the Southeast Europe Initiatives & Membership Action Plan, launched in 1997 within PfP, is described. PfP objectives & the basic elements of its program are presented. Croatia became a member of PfP in 2000, & the question of what the country can & should expect from cooperating with NATO within PfP is addressed, investigating the possible convergence of interests between the two parties. It is pointed out that the ultimate goal of Croatia's presence in PfP is the country's acceptance as a NATO member, & the government needs to develop strategies targeting this objective. Z. Dubiel

The goals of NATO to secure peace in Europe after the end of the Cold War & promote peaceful cooperation between all states on the continent, spelled out in the documents issued at the closing of the London summit in 1990 & Rome meeting in 1991, are listed. Two organizations created to achieve these objectives are presented: (1) the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), formed in Brussels in 1991, & replaced by the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), formed in 1997; & (2) the Partnership for Peace Program (PfP) created in 1994. The objectives of PfP are listed, & the participation of the Republic of Slovenia in this program since its very inception is discussed, identifying both positive & negative outcomes of this cooperation. The Slovenian government is criticized for failing to perform a cost-benefit analysis & provide adequate information to the public on how the interests of the country & PfP converge. Z. Dubiel

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

This article addresses the question of the relationship between Croatia & the Balkans as a geographical & civilisational space & the way it shaped discursive changes in the immediate post-Tudman period which started in the year 2000. The focus of the study is the articulation of 'the West' & 'the Balkans' in the Croatian political discourse that leads to the argument that a deeper cooperation between Croatia & the European Union is closely connected with the reconstruction of Croatian identity. The problem of the Balkans as the 'radical other' to the Croatian subject & difficulties in cooperation with that region demanded a thorough examination of Croatian identity & its relations with ethics & responsibility as promoted by the European Union. The study employs discourse analysis as a method of analyzing the text, which is rooted in the post-structuralist theoretical approach. Adapted from the source document.

The Partnership for Peace (PfP), created by NATO in Brussels in 1994, was an integral part of the Clinton administration's foreign policy toward Europe, based on the premise of a strong, viable NATO & democratic, US-friendly Europe. The military, political, & economic advantages the creation of PfP presented to the US are pointed out. Due to the Balkan War & Franjo Tudman's refusal to accept the Dayton agreement, Croatia was denied a PfP membership. However, following the Croatian president's death, his successors were eager to embark on the process of democratic changes in their country & thus please the Clinton administration by meeting its conditions for PfP membership, including (1) the acceptance of the Dayton agreement vis-a-vis the territorial integrity of Bosnia & Herzegovina, (2) cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague, (3) the facilitation of the return of war refugees, & (4) concrete steps on the democratization of the regime (free mass media, free elections, changes in the electoral law). It is noted that Croatia was accepted into the PfP to show other Balkan states, especially Serbia, that there are rewards for going democratic & showing willingness to cooperate with the West. Since NATO does not plan to increase its membership soon, PfP seems to be, for the time being, the principal format within which the security of Croatia & peace in the Balkans can be preserved. Z. Dubiel

The Partnership for Peace (PfP) was created by NATO in Brussels in 1994; an excerpt from the document spelling out membership conditions is quoted. Twenty-six countries joined PfP between 1994 & 2000; Croatia became its 26th member, & it also joined the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) as the 46th European country. A membership in both organizations is a significant event in the history of Croatia as an independent state. There are certain duties & tasks that the PfP membership imposed on this country; however, there already are positive results of cooperating with NATO within the PfP program. Z. Dubiel

U članku su prezentirani rezultati analize financiranja državnih arhiva proračunskim sredstvima namijenjenim financiranju javnih potreba u kulturi Republike Hrvatske u posljednjem desetogodišnjem razdoblju. Dane su nove spoznaje o financiranju arhivâ, što se uobičajeno navodi među ključnim čimbenicima (uz prostorne i ljudske resurse) koji utječu na stanje arhivske službe u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati analize sistematizirani su u obliku grafikona i tabličnih prikaza. Interpretirani su u širem kontekstu kretanja relativnoga udjela Ministarstva kulture u državnom proračunu Republike Hrvatske te ulaganja u programe drugih kulturnih djelatnosti. Između ostaloga, rezultati pokazuju vrstu, opseg i kontinuitet aktivnosti na koje su arhivi u sustavu javne arhivske službe stavljali naglasak, te njihovu podudarnost s osnovnim zadaćama arhivâ. Zajedno s pregledom kretanja iznosa odobrenih sredstava, takvi su podatci i jedan od pokazatelja odnosa države prema arhivskoj djelatnosti. Mogućnost praktične primjene rezultata istraživanja je u tome što daju podlogu za preispitivanje pristupa državnih arhiva u planiranju arhivskih programa, kao i metodologije financiranja od strane mjerodavnoga ministarstva. ; The article presents the results of state archives financing within programmes of public needs in the cultural portfolio of the Republic of Croatia during the last ten-year period. It is a contribution to the issue of state archives financing in general, which is usually listed among key factors (with spatial and human resources) that determine and condition the position of contemporary archival service in Croatia. The results are systemised in the form of graphs and tables. They are interpreted in the wider context of trends in the change of the Ministry of Culture's proportion in the total state budget and investments in programmes of other cultural services. Inter alia, the results demonstrate which activities, to what extent and in which continuity (short-term, long-term) were in focus of state archives in Croatia, as well as how they corresponded with their core tasks. Together with an analysis of the total amount of appropriations, such data are also one of the indicators of state's attitude towards archival service. The analysis shows that in the period 2010-2018, within public calls for financing programmes of public needs in culture, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia approved to state archives 1209 programmes in six categories: archives, international cultural cooperation, computerisation, digitisation, investment aid and preservation of immovable cultural goods. The total amount of appropriations for archival programmes was around 87,8 million HRK, which is 5,87% of total amount of appropriations provided for all programmes within those six categories. In the comparison with the average annual appropriations from the Ministry of Culture's budget in all cultural services and their programmes, the average annual appropriations in the programmes of state archives were 3,43%. They depended on the Ministry of Culture's proportion in the total annual state budget in that period. Analysis also demonstrates that three largest users of appropriations were the Croatian State Archives (32,05%), the State Archives in Dubrovnik (18,36%) and the State Archives in Zagreb (6,16%). All other state archives achieved individual shares less than 5 %. Such data illustrates disparities between state archives in the number, but also in the variety of applied programmes. Such disparities are the result of specific possibilities of each state archives (such as spatial and human resources), but also the consequence of the absence of long-term planning and development strategies for the archival service in Croatia in general. Such situation should be improved by the National Archival Service Development Plan, adoption of which by the Government of the Republic of Croatia is intended in the new Law on Archives and Archival Institutions (Official Gazette of the Republic of Croatia 61/2018). Besides appropriations from the national budget within described programmes of public needs in culture, state archives in Croatia are in front of the challenge to improve financing from other sources. The potential for such improvement is a more active approach to the use of the EU funds, i.e. better positioning of the archival and other cultural services in the EU multiannual financial framework (MFF) for the 2021-2027 period. Also, the results and services developed within archival programmes should be usable as new resources, i.e. potential sources of new income.

In his examination of the basic coordinates of Croatian foreign policy, the author points to the need for good neighborly relations -- through the mechanism of the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe -- with the countries that were, until recently, parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as with those that became independent long ago. He stresses the need to develop relationships with the great powers, especially with the US, & to develop bilateral relationships with nonaligned countries. One of the aims is to develop good relations with Europe through economic & political links as well as cooperation in matters concerning security. The subregional frameworks of international cooperation in which Croatia participates appear to be insufficient for solving political & security questions. Special consideration ought to be devoted to NATO as a mechanism that could protect the security of Croatia. As a new state, Croatia must demonstrate that, in both its internal development & its international activities, it is ready to fulfill the obligations imposed by its membership in the UN. Adapted from the source document.