Suchergebnisse

Networks of nongovernmental organizations dedicated to socio-environmental issues have emerged in recent decades. The involvement of these networks in the international sphere has enabled new approaches to international cooperation. This article introduces the concept of international cooperation and the Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development (GARSD), a socio-environmental network created by a coalition of NGOs dedicated to promoting recycling of municipal solid waste. This article is the result of a doctoral study conducted using documentary analysis, participant observation and other qualitative data collection methods. The study conclusively finds that it is neessary to analyze the work of these non-state actors within the context of international cooperation between nation states and the possibility of (re)creating political-territorial arrangements, such as networks comprising a variety of actors especially geared towards socio-environmental issues. ; Durante as últimas décadas, surgiram redes de organizações não governamentais que se dedicam aos temas socioambientais. O envolvimento dessas redes com a esfera internacional ocasiona novas abordagens para a cooperação internacional. Apresentar o conceito de cooperação internacional e a rede socioambiental Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development - GARSD é o objetivo deste artigo. A GARSD, é resultado da coalização de organizações não governamentais dedicadas à promoção da reciclagem de resíduos sólidos urbanos. O artigo é o resultado de pesquisa realizada em processo de doutoramento, que utilizou por procedimentos metodológicos a análise documental, pesquisa participante e a coleta de dados de abordagem qualitativa. Conclusivamente, torna-se inerente analisar as atuações destes atores não estatais diante das relações de cooperação internacional estabelecidas entre Estados Nacionais na possibilidade para a (re)criação de arranjos político-territoriais como a construção de redes entre os diversos atores, especialmente, nos temas socioambientais.

OBJECTIVE: To describe the scope and limitations of the main strategies of cooperation in health, adopted between 2005 and 2017, in the context of the triple border Brazil, Colombia and Peru. METHOD: Single, explanatory, qualitative, integrated case study carried out in 2017, in the context of the triple Amazon border, Brazil, Colombia and Peru, in the city of Tabatinga, state of Amazonas, Brazil. Our sources of evidence were: documentary data; interviews with health managers of the State Health Secretariats of Amazonas and Municipal Health of Tabatinga, Municipal Health Council of Tabatinga and Consulate of Peru in Colombia; and direct observations in four health services of Tabatinga. Data were organized with MaxQDA12® software. RESULTS: Data analyzed showed that, during the study period, the Brazilian federal government made several health cooperation agreements with both Peru and Colombia and that the state government of Amazonas undertook strategies to improve the health conditions of the dwellers of Tabatinga and the region of Alto Solimões, which indirectly reached the populations of neighboring countries, supporting the interrelationships between the countries of the region. Regarding the municipal government, we verified the existence of health integration agreements, established informally, to minimize the adversities of the local health. CONCLUSION: The cooperation strategies in health adopted in the triple Amazon border have different purposes, benefits and limitations. It is noteworthy that the existence of cooperation agreements between the federal governments of Brazil, Colombia and Peru and the presence of informal cooperation agreements between the municipal governments of Tabatinga (Brazil), Leticia (Colombia) and Santa Rosa (Peru). The limitations of this study are the lack of knowledge of local managers about the cooperation agreements established between federal governments and the lack of legitimacy of the informal agreements established by the Tabatinga government. ; OBJETIVO: Descrever o alcance e as limitações das principais estratégias de cooperação em saúde, adotadas entre 2005 e 2017, no contexto da tríplice fronteira Brasil, Colômbia e Peru. MÉTODO: Estudo de caso único, explicativo, qualitativo e integrado realizado no ano de 2017, no contexto da tríplice fronteira no município de Tabatinga, Amazonas, Brasil. Como fontes de evidências foram utilizados: dados documentais, observações diretas em quatro serviços de saúde do município de Tabatinga e entrevistas com gestores da Secretaria de Estado de Saúde do Amazonas, Secretaria Municipal de Saúde de Tabatinga, Conselho Municipal de Saúde de Tabatinga e Consulado do Peru na Colômbia. Os dados foram organizados com o software MaxQDA12® . RESULTADOS: Os dados analisados demonstraram que, no período estudado, o governo federal do Brasil realizou diversos acordos de cooperação em saúde, tanto com o Peru quanto com a Colômbia, e que o governo do estado do Amazonas empreendeu estratégias para melhoria das condições de saúde da população de Tabatinga e região do Alto Solimões, as quais indiretamente alcançaram as populações dos países vizinhos, favorecendo as inter-relações entre os países da região. Quando ao governo municipal, verificou-se a existência de acordos de integração de saúde, estabelecidos informalmente, com o intuito de minimizar as adversidades da saúde local. CONCLUSÃO: As estratégias de cooperação em saúde adotadas na tríplice fronteira amazônica apresentam diferentes finalidades, benefícios e limitações. Destacam-se como benefícios a existência de acordos de cooperação em saúde entre os governos federais do Brasil, Colômbia e Peru e a presença de acordos informais de cooperação entre os governos municipais de Tabatinga (Brasil), Letícia (Colômbia) e Santa Rosa (Peru). As limitações são o desconhecimento dos gestores locais sobre os acordos de cooperação estabelecidos entre os governos federais e a falta de legitimidade dos acordos informais estabelecidos pelo governo de Tabatinga.

This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

Valamennyi tagállamra azonos szabályok vonatkoztak az európai integráció Maastricht előtti unitárius szerkezetében. Többsebességű integráció lehetséges a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unió rendszerében: különféle kormányzási modellek, bonyolult intézményi feltételek állnak fenn. Milyen változásokat hozhatna az "európai gazdasági kormányzás", illetve a "teljes" gazdasági unió kiépítése az EU intézményi szerkezetében? Hogyan alakulna e körülmények között az euróövezetbe tartozó, illetve az abból kimaradó tagállamok helyzete? Milyen eltérések lehetnek az egyes tagállamok között az uniós szabályok alkalmazásában? Milyen szerepet tölthet be a megerősített együttműködés a tagállamok szűkebb csoportjának mélyebb integrációjában? Hogyan alakulhat a mediterrán periféria, illetve a közép- és kelet-európai "új tagállamok" pozíciója? Többek között a fenti kérdésekre is választ kapunk a kötetben. = All member states were subject to the same rules in the pre-Maastricht unitary structure of European integration. Multi-speed integration is possible in the Economic and Monetary Union system: different governance models, complex institutional conditions. What changes could the construction of a "European economic governance" or a " full" economic union bring to the institutional structure of the EU? How would the situation of Member States in and out of the euro area evolve under these circumstances? What differences might there be between Member States in the application of EU rules? What role could enhanced cooperation play in the deeper integration of a narrower group of Member States? How might the position of the Mediterranean periphery and the "new Member States" of Central and Eastern Europe evolve? Among other things, these questions are answered in this volume.

The Treaty of Lisbon, in line with the failed Constitutional Treaty and in the sequence of several initiatives which had taken place, came to provide for the mechanism of permanent structured cooperation. The goal of this mechanism is to enable the arising of a vanguard of Member States, eventually ready to form the embryo of a future European Union's exclusive defence system. Although permanent structured cooperation represents a step towards the application of the "community method" to security and defence of the European Union, it doesn't still fit in that pattern. Only future can tell, if permanent structured cooperation is likely to provide the European Union with a security and defence policy based on the "community method".

On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

Northeast Asia is a political system divided & ripe for change, where the U.S. play the role of the offshore balancer & China can eventually become a potential hegemon. The future of this region is unclear & leads to three scenarios: the present aloofness, conflict, or cooperation. Trying to overcome the limits of neorealism, liberalism & constructivism, an offensive neoclassical realist theory named tridimensional realism is presented. According to this theory, under the present balanced multipolar structure of power the possibilities of conflict are reduced & the aloofness should evolve towards limited cooperation. However, in case a potential hegemon unbalances the multipolar structure, aloofness & limited cooperation may fall into conflict. Adapted from the source document.

The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) marks an important progress in international law. However, in order to become a relevant body the Court must rely on the cooperation of all its members & benefit from the help of the states that didn't subscribe to the Rome statute. In the post 9/11 context it is important to assess the impact of the new counter-terrorist agenda on the regular functioning of the Court: will it help or will it endanger the ICC professed goals? In this particular context, the United States' position is of the utmost importance. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to analyze the current dynamics of South American integration and the role played by Brazil in the region. The formation of Unasur evidences the projection of new themes and issues in regional cooperation, among which, the dimensions of security, infrastructure and financing. The projection of these issues opens up the possibility of change in historical dilemmas of cooperation and integration in South America and can offer new indications about the direction Brazilian foreign policy seeks to confer on regional integration. We intend to examine whether the sense of cooperation in South America has changed with the formation of Unasur, and to what extent it is possible to build a regional integration process that aims to strengthen national autonomy. Adapted from the source document.

The EU-Russia negotiations towards the renewal of the bilateral Cooperation & Partnership Agreement were burdened by misunderstandings on shared values & specific issues of relations with the Baltic states & Poland. In a context of raising tensions, the Portuguese Presidency chose continuity rather than change of the EU-Russia partnership. Adapted from the source document.

This paper addresses the State capacities organized to promote bilateral international cooperation between Brazil and South Africa, and between Brazil and China, concerning international trade and human's rights, using comparative method and transversal analyses. Aiming to examine the impacts of political institutions on State capacities, China and South Africa were chosen due to the fact that they compound, with Brazil, different dyads of international cooperation (Leeds, 1999): China, an autocracy, and South Africa, a democracy. The paper's main objective is to point differences and similarities in the States capacities of these countries, depending on variations in their political institutions. The three countries present different types of State capacities (Cingolani, 2013): in China, there is a contrast between high administrative and low legal, relational and political State capacities. South Africa and Brazil present a more complex network of actors and institutions, revealing a bigger development of the legal, relational and political State capacities.

The European Council on Foreign Relations has published last July a report on the European Union's Security & Defence policies. The report has strong & weak points & it should be analyzed taking into account the present state of European Security & Defence Policy. Portugal is strongly committed to the development of ESDP. Adapted from the source document.