After WWI, free ports, autonomous statutes, wealthy towns granted by the League of Na-tions might seem the best solution to solve inextricable national claims. It was not just a matter of putting out fires of growing nationalism in the successor states, but it was also the need to deal with the vacuum left by the crush of huge empires. The collapse of Russia, indeed, was threatening to spread bolshevism in Europe. The cluster of new successors states in East Europe could achieve a double purpose, the containment of bolshevik Russia in the East and of German empowerment in the West. Free access to the sea meant economical and political strengthening which was supposed to stabilize the new (or reborn) national creations. In such circumstances, it is scarcely surprising that the solution of the free cities was going to be the way to get out of the ethnical complexity in Memelland, in Danzig and also in Fiume. However, if economical growth would have been the only way to grant the survival of autonomies, the lack of mutual confidence and economical cooperation at international level and the huge national expectations would have undermined every attempt to set up a "wilsonian order" in Europe.
Con il presente lavoro si è tentato di restituire complessità al concetto di cooperazione, analizzandone la sua ambivalenza e le sue antinomie. Si è scelto di mettere in luce, in modo critico, l'uso capitalistico della cooperazione partendo dalla teoria del Capitale di Marx: è nel capitolo XI del Primo Libro che egli descrive la cooperazione come il primo dei metodi di estrazione del plusvalore relativo e il punto di partenza della produzione capitalistica. Il capitolo marxiano in questione è ricco di nodi teorico-filosofici di grande rilievo e di concetti quali quello di zoòn politikòn, di homo economicus, di animal spirits, di funzione dispotica e di controllo del capitale, di sussunzione del lavoro sotto il capitale. A seguire, sono stati analizzati il Capitolo VI inedito e il Frammento sulle Macchine contenuto nei Grundrisse di Marx: grazie a queste opere si è fatto riferimento alle nozioni di lavoro produttivo e improduttivo, di general intellect e di individuo sociale, provando ad individuare i possibili collegamenti con il concetto di cooperazione e le differenze con la teoria del Capitale. Attraverso i Grundrisse e le varie riflessioni che ne sono scaturite, si è giunti ad approfondire la questione operaista e come il concetto di cooperazione sia stato analizzato da autori quali Panzieri, Tronti e Negri, fino al post-operaismo e alla teoria del capitalismo cognitivo, attraverso una serie di questioni quali quelle intorno al lavoro materiale e immateriale, al sistema delle macchine e della tecnologia, fino alla flessibilità e precarietà del lavoro ai giorni nostri. La cornice entro cui le varie problematiche sono state affrontate resta quella marxiana della critica dell'economia politica e dell'importanza della legge del valore. Gli autori di riferimento sono stati principalmente D. Harvey, R. Bellofiore, M. Tomba, R. Fineschi, M. Fisher, S. Wright, A.M. Iacono, M. Filippini. Attraverso le loro riflessioni e l'analisi della teoria marxiana è stato possibile comprendere alcune delle caratteristiche del concetto di cooperazione e del suo uso capitalistico, motivo per il quale si è giunti a sostenere la teoria della sua ambivalenza: la cooperazione, come facoltà della specie umana, oscilla tra il modo di liberare le facoltà individuali mediante il lavoro collettivo organizzato, e il modo di opprimerle attraverso il dominio dispotico di chi esercita il potere organizzativo e di pianificazione. Ciò che si è cercato di sostenere lungo tutto il corso del lavoro, e in modo particolare nell'ultimo capitolo, è la necessità di riappropriarsi della cooperazione, liberandola dal giogo del capitale, per poterne fare un uso diverso, sciolto dalle imposizioni dispotiche del sistema capitalistico. Infine, si è deciso di analizzare alcuni esempi e casi concreti di forme cooperative guardandoli come possibili modelli di un tipo di cooperazione priva di gerarchie fisse e caratterizzata da regole condivise. Nello specifico sono stati descritti quattro modelli a partire da prospettive diverse: musicale, con il jazz come esempio teorico di cooperazione realizzata tramite la condivisione di regole comuni; femminista, mediante l'esperienza di comunità e cooperative di donne del Sud del mondo; ecologista, a partire dal modello dell'Internationalist Commune of Rojava e del suo progetto di riappropriazione e rivalorizzazione di terre e risorse comuni; antirazzista, attraverso l'organizzazione di forme cooperative e lotte dei migranti o delle comunità afroamericane, anche in seguito all'emergenza Covid-19. This work attempts to restore complexity to the concept of cooperation, analyzing its ambivalence and its antinomies. In order to do so, I am going to critically assess the capitalist use of cooperation drawing on Marx's theory of Capital: in Chapter XI of the First Book, the cooperation is described as the first of the methods of extraction of the relative surplus value and the starting point of capitalist production. This chapter offers several theoretical-philosophical notions of great importance for the subsequent analysis, such as zoòn politikòn, homo economicus, animal spirits, despotic function and control of capital, and subsumption of labor under capital. Later on, I have also anayzed the Unpublished Chapter VI and the Fragment on Machines (Grundrisse) of Marx: these works have shed light on the notions of productive and unproductive work, of general intellect and of a social individual, and drawing on them, I have attempted to identify possible links with the concept of cooperation previously analyzed, and the differences with the theory presented in the Capital. Through the work of Grundrisse and the various considerations that have been raised, I have assessed the Workerism and how the concept of cooperation has been analyzed by authors such as Panzieri, Tronti and Negri, up to post-operism and the theory of cognitive capitalism (through a series of issues like material and immaterial work, the system of machines and technology, the flexibility and precariousness of today work). The framework within this work is situated remains the Marxian critique of political economy and the importance of the law of value. The authors I have decided to focus upon are D. Harvey, R. Bellofiore, M. Tomba, R. Fineschi, M. Fisher, S. Wright, A.M. Iacono, M. Filippini. Through their reflections and their analyses of Marxian theory, it is possible to understand some of the characteristics of the concept of cooperation and its capitalist use. As such, I am going to claim that the most plausible way of interpreting the notion of cooperation consists in endorsing the theory of its ambivalence: cooperation, as a faculty of the species human, it is caught between finding a way to free individual faculties through organized collective work, and the risk of oppressing individuals through the despotic domination of those who exercise power. What I have tried to claim throughout this dissertation, and especially in the last chapter, is the need to regain cooperation from the capital's domination, in order to make a different use of it. Finally, I have decided to analyze some examples and concrete cases of cooperative forms, by considering them possible models of a type of cooperation without fixed hierarchies and characterized by shared rules. Specifically, I have described four models starting from different perspectives: a musical model, with jazz as a theoretical example of cooperation achieved through the sharing of common rules; a feminist model, through the experience of communities and cooperatives of women from the South of the world; an ecologist model, starting from the model of the Internationalist Commune of Rojava and its project of re-appropriation and revaluation of common lands and resources; and finally an anti-racist model, through the organization of cooperative forms and struggles of migrants or AfricanAmerican communities, also following the Covid-19 emergency.
on 31 January 2020, the Minister for the Interior of the Italian Republic and the Minister for Security and Civil Protection of the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire signed a declaration of intent to foster closer cooperation in the field of migration control and return. The text provides, inter alia, for the need to "carry out the relevant procedures for the return of Ivorian nationals in an irregular situation, using the competent services of the Embassy of Côte d'Ivoire in Italy to identify them". 1 the text and spirit of the declaration are in line with a long series of agreements which Italy has concluded with an increasing number of non-European countries, particularly African countries, at intergovernmental but also transgovernmental level (i.e. agreements signed between the ministerial departments or secretariats of the signatory countries). The identification of irregular migrants is a central element upstream of such flexible arrangements, which, by definition, require neither the approval of the parliaments of the signatory countries nor ratification of their implementation. Moreover, given their lack of visibility, their existence and their concrete consequences can easily be contradicted at political level. Finally, given that bilateral cooperation on return involves many unknowns about its practical and regular implementation, the potential (explicit or implicit) disruption of a flexible agreement by a non-European country is less burdensome from a political point of view for a European State. Over the last decades, Italy, like France, Spain, the United Kingdom and Germany, has signed several Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), administrative arrangements. ; Il 31 gennaio 2020, il Ministro dell'interno della Repubblica italiana ed il Ministro della sicurezza e della protezione civile della Repubblica della Costa d'Avorio hanno siglato una dichiarazione di intenti volta a favorire una più stretta collaborazione in materia di controllo dei flussi migratori e di rimpatrio. Il testo prevede, tra l'altro, il ...
Conformemente ai trattati, l'UE sviluppa una politica comune in materia di asilo, immigrazione e controllo delle frontiere esterne, fondata sulla solidarietà e sul rispetto dei diritti fondamentali e, a tal fine, avvia relazioni strategiche con i Paesi terzi e le Organizzazioni internazionali. Un fenomeno "senza frontiere", quale quello migratorio, esige del resto un'azione coerente e coordinata sia sul piano interno sia su quello esterno. La messa in atto di quest'ultima, tuttavia, si scontra con difficoltà di rilievo. Innanzitutto, l'UE e i suoi Stati membri devono creare i presupposti per l'avvio della collaborazione internazionale, vale a dire stimolare la fiducia reciproca con i Paesi terzi, rafforzando la propria credibilità internazionale. A tal fine, le istituzioni, gli organi e gli organismi dell'UE e gli Stati membri devono impegnarsi a fornire un modello coerente di promozione dei valori fondanti, quali la solidarietà e il rispetto dei diritti fondamentali, nonché a coordinare le proprie iniziative, per individuare, insieme ai Paesi terzi e alle Organizzazioni internazionali, una strategia d'azione comune. In secondo luogo, l'UE e gli Stati membri devono adottare soluzioni volte a promuovere l'efficacia della collaborazione internazionale e, più precisamente, assicurare che la competenza esterna sia esercitata dal livello di governo in grado di apportare il valore aggiunto e utilizzare la forma collaborativa di volta in volta più adeguata alla realizzazione degli obiettivi previsti. In definitiva, l'azione esterna dell'UE in materia di politica migratoria necessita di una strategia coerente e flessibile. Se oggi la coerenza è garantita dalla giustiziabilità dei principi di solidarietà, di rispetto dei diritti fondamentali e, giustappunto, di coerenza, la flessibilità si traduce nel criterio del valore aggiunto che, letto in combinato disposto con il principio di leale cooperazione, si pone al centro del nuovo modello partenariale proposto dall'approccio globale, potenzialmente idoneo a garantire la gestione efficace del fenomeno migratorio. ; The EU migration policy is traditionally viewed as having both an internal and an external dimension, inextricably intertwined. Indeed, as this policy field deals with a cross-border phenomenon, it is no surprise that the EU strives to deepen its relations with Third Countries, which appear to be an inescapable element to furthering the Treaties' objective: a common policy on asylum, immigration and external border control, based on solidarity and respect for fundamental rights. However, the EU external action in this policy field faces various difficulties. Primarily, the EU and the Member States shall meet the requirement for the international collaboration to begin, namely the establishment of a spirit of mutual trust with Third Countries, through the strengthening of their international reliability. To this purpose, the EU institutions, organs and organisms and the Member States are required to provide a model which coherently promotes their founding values and to coordinate their initiatives for the setting up, in cooperation with Third Countries and International Organisations, of a common strategy. Secondarily, the EU and the Member States shall guarantee the effectiveness of the international collaboration. More precisely, they shall ensure that the external competence is exercised by the political level providing the added value and make use of any cooperation tool suitable for the achievement of the set objectives. Conclusively, the EU migration policy external action shall be backed by a coherent and flexible strategy. Where, at present, coherence is guaranteed by the justifiable nature of the principles of solidarity, respect for fundamental rights and, obviously, coherence, flexibility is better transposed by the added value criteria which, read in conjunction with the principle of loyal cooperation, is to be considered a key element of the new partnership model proposed by the global approach, potentially apt to guarantee the effective management of migration flows.
Il saggio analizza la sentenza della Corte Costituzionale n. 251/2017, che ha dichiarato l'illegittimità costituzionale della legge delega n. 124 del 7 agosto 2015 (c.d. Legge Madia). In particolare il lavoro esamina il cambiamento strutturale subito dalla legislazione delegata, con particolare riferimento al principio di leale collaborazione, ai pareri e agli accordi tra Stato e Regioni, nonché ai decreti Legislativi integrativi e correttivi. ; The purpose of this work is a profound analysis of the Constitutional court's judgement n. 251/2017, which was used to declare the constitutional illegitimacy of the delegation law n. 124 of August 7th, 2015, regarding the reorganization of public matters (so-called Legge Madia). More specifically, the structural change suffered by the delegated legislation will be analyzed, with particular reference to the principle of loyal cooperation, to the agreements and opinion, and also to the Legislative Decrees, both integrative and corrective. However, reference is made to the constitutional case-law and also to the opinion issued by the Council of State.
Daniele Benzi, Ximena Zapata Mafla "Petrolio e petrodollari nella politica internazionale del Venezuela. Una breve rassegna storica (1958-2012)", in: Visioni LatinoAmericane, 11 (2014), pp. 63-80 ; Gli autori disegnano una breve rassegna storica delle politiche d'integrazione regionale e di cooperazione internazionale attuate dal Venezuela nel periodo che va dalla restaurazione della democrazia rappresentativa, nel 1958, fino ad oggi. Sebbene venga individuato un chiaro spartiacque tra le varie tappe del regime del Pacto de Punto Fijo (1958-1998) e l'inizio del processo bolivariano, viene sostenuta la tesi che l'agire venezuelano nello spazio della politica internazionale, come nei progetti d'integrazione regionale e di cooperazione internazionale, sia fortemente condizionato dal fatto che il Paese è strutturalmente dipendente dal petrolio e dalla rendita petrolifera. Ciò comporta la persistenza di modelli, vincoli e peculiarità che sembrano incidere in modo ambiguo nel perseguire le mete emancipatorie del progetto bolivariano. Los autores ofrecen una breve resena histórica de las politicas de integración regional y cooperación internacional puestas en practica por Venezuela desde la restauración de la democracia representativa, en 1958, hasta la fecha. Si bien se identifica un nitido parte aguas entre las varias etapas del régimen del Pacto de Punto Fijo (1958-1998) y el inicio del proceso bolivariano, en este anàlisis se insiste en que el desenvolvimiento de la politica internacional venezolana y de sus proyectos de integración regional y cooperación internacional lleva marcadamente el sello que define estructuralmente a Venezuela como un Pais rentista petrolero, implicando la continuidad de ciertos patrones, condicionamientos y peculiaridades que parecerian incidir de manera ambigua en la consecución de los objetivos emancipadores del proyecto bolivariano. The authors provide a brief historical review of the regional integration and international cooperation policies implemented by Venezuela since the restoration of representative democracy in 1958 to date. Even though a clear breakup between the various stages of Punto Fijo Regime (1958-1998) and the beginning of the Bolivarian process is identified, this analysis emphasizes that the Venezuelan foreign policy and the regional integration and international cooperation projects it promotes, markedly bear the imprint that structurally defines the country as an oil-rentier state. This implies the continuity of certain patterns, constraints and peculiarities which seem to ambiguously affect the emancipatory purposes of the Bolivarian project when characterizing its actual function¬ing and assessing its impact.
La ricerca ha ad oggetto la "riscossione transnazionale dei tributi", cioè le attività finalizzate alla riscossione dei tributi al di fuori del territorio statuale. La riscossione dei tributi implica l'esercizio di poteri sovrani, e può quindi essere svolta all'estero solo in virtù di appositi accordi internazionali o - nei rapporti tra gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea - sulla base della normativa europea. L'esigenza di idonei strumenti per la riscossione all'estero è sempre più intensa, sia perché oggi le imposte presentano marcati caratteri di "internazionalità", sia perché la ricchezza è dematerializzata, supera i confini senza passare dalle dogane. E tutto ciò favorisce l'evasione fiscale internazionale. La riscossione transnazionale è ascrivibile al più ampio fenomeno della collaborazione tra gli Stati in materia fiscale (che ricomprende anche la collaborazione finalizzata all'accertamento: scambi di informazioni, indagini congiunte, etc.), che nasce proprio per combattere efficacemente l'evasione internazionale. La riscossione transnazionale può consistere sia nello svolgimento di attività puramente normative, come l'imposizione di obblighi di assolvimento dei tributi a carico di soggetti "estranei" all'ordinamento dello Stato impositore (si pensi ad esempio all'attribuzione di obblighi di sostituzione d'imposta a carico di istituti finanziari di diritto estero privi di qualsiasi connessione con l'ordinamento italiano), sia in attività di natura amministrativa e giudiziaria (è questa l'ipotesi in cui uno Stato procede all'esecuzione esattoriale su beni situati nel proprio territorio al fine di riscuotere il credito tributario di un altro Stato). In quest'ultima ipotesi si parla solitamente di "mutua assistenza amministrativa e giudiziaria". La presente ricerca ricostruisce in dettaglio le fonti normative che prevedono la collaborazione tra gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea nella riscossione dei tributi (in particolare la direttiva 2010/24/UE, la Convenzione di Strasburgo del 25 gennaio 1988 e l'art. 27 del Modello OCSE), nonché la disciplina da esse complessivamente ricavabile (ambito di applicazione oggettivo, soggettivo e temporale degli obblighi di assistenza, forme dell'assistenza, assistenza nel recupero e nelle misure cautelari, limiti agli obblighi di assistenza, etc.). L'analisi del dato positivo mette in luce che attraverso le norme sulla collaborazione gli Stati hanno visto grandemente esteso l'ambito territoriale dei propri poteri di riscossione, ma rivela anche che, allo stesso tempo, nulla è stato specificamente previsto per garantire adeguate forme di tutela ai soggetti privati incisi da tali poteri. Il presente lavoro muove quindi alla ricerca di un punto di equilibrio tra gli accresciuti poteri degli Stati derivanti dalle norme europee e internazionali, da un lato, e le esigenze di tutela dei soggetti privati incisi dalle procedure di recupero, dall'altro, da raggiungere alla luce di un'interpretazione razionale del dato positivo e dei principi. ; This study concerns all activities undertaken to collect taxes abroad (i.e., cross-border tax collection). Tax collection implies the use of sovereign powers: therefore, it may be carried out abroad only in accordance with international agreements or – among European Union Member States – based on European regulations. Taxes are becoming more and more "international", and wealth itself is now largely intangible – it crosses borders without going through customs. All of this may aid international tax evasion. Thus, there is a growing need for appropriate means to collect taxes abroad. Cross-border tax collection falls under the broader phenomenon of international cooperation in tax matters (which also includes cooperative efforts when assessing taxes: exchanging information, joint audits, etc.). Indeed, this cooperation stems from the need to fight international tax evasion more effectively. Cross-border tax collection may be performed through: (a) purely legislative means, such as the imposition of tax payment obligations on individuals or entities that are not linked to the taxing state's territory (e.g., the obligation on foreign financial in-stitutions with no link whatsoever to the Italian legal system to withhold taxes); and/or (b) judicial or administrative means (e.g., a state enforces taxes on property or other goods located within its territory on behalf and in the interest of an applicant state to which taxes are owed). The latter case is usually referred to as "mutual administrative and judicial assistance". This study first analyses the legal background that allows European Union Member States to cooperate with each other in tax collection (particularly Council Directive 2010/24/EU, the Strasbourg Convention of 25 January 1988 and Article 27 of the OECD Model Tax Convention). It then analyses the general regulations resulting from this legal background (such as the personal, material and temporal scope of ob-ligations to provide assistance; forms of assistance; assistance with recovery and precautionary measures; limits on the obligations to provide assistance; and more). Analysis of this legal background reveals that regulations on cooperation in tax matters have allowed EU Member States to extend the territorial scope of their tax collection powers greatly. At the same time, however, it also reveals that no adequate provisions are currently in place to safeguard the rights and interests of individuals and entities that are subject to these powers. This study thus aims to strike a balance between the increased powers of EU Member States (deriving from European and international regulations) on the one hand, and the need to safeguard individuals and entities that are subject to recovery procedures on the other. This balance can indeed be achieved – but it requires a rational interpretation of the legal background and its principles.
This article addresses the interaction between internal market rules, and in particular the freedom of circulation of goods, on one side, and the national cultural policies of Member States, on the other side. The goal is to show how the EC/EU interindividual legal system tends to extend its realm in areas of the law that would appear, at first sight, to be excluded from its scope of application. Culture is a good example thereof. While this might happen, in a number of areas of cultural action, without impinging upon the sovereignties of its Member States, the present article addresses some cases where this extension has the potential of restricting the capability of Member States to pursue their cultural policy aims. Two examples are analysed. First, the abolition of physical controls on goods crossing internal borders is scrutinized, together with the legislation adopted to ensure that goods pertaining to national cultural heritage, which are unlawfully removed from the territory of one Member State, be given back to it. The initial approach followed by Directive 93/7 is compared with the recent Directive 2014/60, and it is shown that, while the former imposed a (partially) uniform approach to the definition of national cultural heritage, thus essentially depriving art. 36 TFEU provision of its effet utile in the field, the latter restores a correct relationship between internal market and national cultural policies. More than just that: the 2014 Directive approach is understood as the only way to really respect fundamental principles of the EU legal system such as democracy, openness, subsidiarity, sincere cooperation, and proportionality. Second, the reach of the prohibition of measures equal to quantitative restrictions in the field of book prices' policies is taken into account. The article shows how the ECJ case law in this field obstructs the efforts of Member States to promote a coherent policy of promotion of "culture-intensive" publishing, and one of widespread presence of culturally active and specialized bookstores. The relevant case law is analysed as an example of an out-dated approach, that fails to reconcile different but concurring raisons d'être of the EU project, and is no longer tenable in light of the overall features of the EC/EU interindividual legal system.
UID/FIL/00183/2019 ; Marxist internationalism was grounded in the cosmopolitan scope of capitalism, on the interdependences it created between national economies, and on the belief that it would collapse under its own contradictions. While the rst two tenets maintain their validity, the latter currently does not rests on a convincing scienti c basis. ere is nevertheless ample scope for positively retrieving the internationalist idea with practical implications, as shows the example of macroeconomic cooperation within the European Union. European integration is stuck on the cliff of a new mercantilism. Member states see European economy as the theatre of a competition between national economies, each seeking to maximize exports and to gain new market shares. Relations of economic power model the political relations among partners, design hierarchies, and result in economic and cultural hegemonies. On the eve of World War I, the socialist front broke on the political and cultural response to economic nationalism, mercantilism, and militarism, splitting between those who aligned with national interests and those who remained true to internationalism, from the vantage point of which nation- al con icts mirrored radical class con icts. e dilemma that confronts the present-day left is similar, and a consistent part of it is tempted to answer the continental crisis taking a clear step away from internationalism. Sovranism, i.e. unwinding European integration in the hope to take back national sovereignty, in particular, goes along with scepticism or open hostility to the common currency. Sovranist claims rest, however, both on a radical misappreciation of the factors that weighted on the eurozone crisis and on a defensive, rather than a progressive, attitude towards supranational integration. Rather than being an alternative to nationalist mercantilism, these claims are no more than its ip side. e present contribution defends these theses through an analysis of the main fault lines of the eurozone's current political constellation. It highlights the shortcomings of the sovranist conception of international economy and shows how a truly internationalist response that promotes further European integration, instead of fighting it, is both viable and realistic. A newly reconsidered internationalism would widen the scope for national political autonomy if it manages to turn the European integration process from a system of antagonistic interdependence into a system of true international cooperation. ; publishersversion ; published
The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the formation of a new geopolitical reality in the post-Soviet space with the emergence in 1991 of five new independent states in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and a complete transformation of their political and economic systems. The purpose of this study is the institutional and socio-economic evolution of the Central Asian region (CAR) and its states after Chapter I defines geographically the different possible boundaries of the Central Asian region, which over the centuries were part of different empires, kingdoms, and states, and the population of which historically de jure and de facto never had their independent national statehood until 1991. The study also focuses on the consequences of the policy of the ethnic and territorial division adopted in the Soviet era in Central Asia on the current political instability in the region. The chapter analyzes the features and results of the transformation of the Soviet political system into a Western democratic system in the CAR. Why did Central Asian countries abandon communism for democracy, then turn to authoritarian rule? This paper proposes a theoretical framework, which discusses the durability and sustainability of the super-presidential regimes in the region, and the key factors that have largely determined the failure of a democratic transition in all five post-Soviet Central Asian states. Special attention is given to the issues of political legitimacy of the current authoritarian regimes and the prospects of further democratic modernization. Chapter II is devoted to an analysis of the main features and results of the socio-economic transformation of the Soviet planned economy to a market economy in Central Asian states. The research area includes an analysis of the structural changes in the five Central Asian economies. State capitalism and critical dependence on external factors have become today the main common features of all these economies. In particular, the second chapter describes the restrictions imposed on the Central Asian commodity and labor exported economies and the protectionist policies adopted by national governments. Protectionist policies are aimed at reducing the economies' vulnerability to external shocks, which are due to the high sectorial and geographical concentration of exports, significant migrants' remittances and consistent inflows of foreign direct investments. The chapter discusses the issues of regional cooperation and integration and the perspectives of sustainable economic development in the states of Central Asia. Finally, this study highlights the emerging challenges associated with the intersection of the competitive multidirectional interests of the major world powers, which consistently expand and strengthen their control over the natural resources of the CAR. Through different economic instruments, such as providing loans and investments, or the formation of alternative macro-regional integration projects in Eurasia, they seek to achieve their ambitious strategic objectives in Central Asia.
E' stato scelto di affrontare il tema della problematica partecipazione dell'Unione Europea alle Organizzazioni Internazionali e ad altre forme di cooperazione organizzata tra Stati. In particolare, punto di partenza della ricerca è rappresentato dalla considerazione che l'UE partecipa in modo differenziato alla vita di numerose Organizzazioni Internazionali,siano esse costituite a livello universale o regionale (a volte come membro, a volte come osservatore o anche attraverso puntuali accordi di partecipazione ad hoc). L'obiettivo è quello di ricostruire il quadro giuridico internazionale esistente per comprendere se ed in che misura le diverse modalità di partecipazione dell'UE nelle OI consentano alla stessa di incidere sui processi decisionali portati avanti a livello internazionale. Anche l'esame delle OI in cui la partecipazione dell'UE risulta del tutto assente, consentirà di chiarire se e come gli Stati membri adempiano, in ogni caso, a dare voce all'Unione, salvaguardandone i relativi interessi. It has been chosen to address the issue of the problematic participation of the European Union in international organizations and other forms of organized cooperation between states. In particular, the starting point of the research is represented by the consideration that the EU participates in a differentiated way in the life of numerous International Organizations, whether they are set up at a universal or regional level (sometimes as a member, sometimes as an observer or even through specific agreements of ad hoc participation). The goal is to reconstruct the existing international legal framework to understand if and to what extent the different ways of participation of the EU in the IOs allow it to affect the decision-making processes carried out at an international level. Also the examination of the IOs in which the participation of the EU is completely absent, will allow to clarify if and how the Member States fulfill, in any case, to give voice to the Union, safeguarding its related interests.
Il lavoro cerca di valutare il possibile ruolo della Comunità Energetica del Sud Est Europa quale fattore di stabilita' nell'area Balcanica. Il Trattato fondativo della Comunita' assegna a questa l'obiettivo di condurre una cooperazione in campo energetico al fine diffondere istituzioni e normative condivise, quali elementi di superamento del conflitto: tuttavia, sono molti gli ostacoli posti su questo cammino sia di natura interna alla regione che esterna, per l'influenza di fattori e poteri internazionali interessati all'area. Il processo di transizione in molti dei paesi del quadrante non e' ancora concluso e molti sono i nodi politici successivi ai processi di disgregazione della Federazione Jugoslava ancora presenti e non risolti. I progetti di corridoi energetici portati avanti dall'Unione Europea, Stati Uniti e Russia, concentrano sui Balcani un interesse sempre alto e tali attenzioni potrebbero influire sui processi d'area e sulle scelte politiche da compiersi. Sullo sfondo di tutto cio' un altro importante fattore contribuisce alle dinamiche in corso: la crisi economica ha fatto sentire la sua presenza anche nella regione balcanica e questo crea importanti squilibri che devono essere valutati alla luce di processi di cooperazione quale quello della Comunita' Energetica. ; The aim of my thesis is to evaluate the possible role of the Energy Community South East Europe as a factor of stability in the Balkans. The founding Treaty gives to the Community the goal to create and improve the cooperation in energy field to promote shared norms and institutions, as elements to overcome the conflict period: however, there are many obstacles on this path since domestic and external factors, due to the influence of international powers interested in the area. Many Countries in the region have not concluded the transition process yet and there are many political problems following the processes of disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the European Union, United States and Russia, energy corridor projects planned in the region are focusing on the Balkans important interests on geo political point of view. These dynamics could affect the processes and policy choices in the area. The background of the whole scenario is another important factor that is contributing to the dynamics in progress: the economic crisis has shown its presence even in the Balkan region and this creates significant imbalances that need to be evaluated on the light of processes of cooperation such as the Energy Community .
