Suchergebnisse

Mednarodno sodelovanje držav članic Evropske unije je izrednega pomena za učinkovito delovanje Unije. Predvsem pa je ključnega pomena za kakovost življenja ljudi znotraj držav članic. Eno izmed pomembnejših področij sodelovanja, ki zagotavlja kakovost življenja in varnost državljanov, je sodelovanje med policijami držav. Dotično sodelovanje ni samo pomembno, ampak že kar nujno glede na globalne razsežnosti kriminalitete. Države članice priznavajo varnost svojih državljanov kot eno od glavnih vrednot in pravic. Z namenom zaščite te pravice in omejevanja kriminalitete je Evropska unija sprejela razne instrumente, ukrepe in pravne okvire na področju mednarodnega policijskega sodelovanja. Pomembno je tudi delovanje raznih agencij Evropske unije, katerih namen je krepitev in usmerjanje sodelovanja med policijami držav članic. Primeri tovrstnih agencij so na primer Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, odbor COSI, SEPA, CEPOL itd. V nalogi je predstavljena tudi vloga in delovanje Slovenije v omenjenih agencijah ter njene aktivnosti na področju policijskega sodelovanja. To poteka na različne načine in na raznih področjih. Načine, oblike in področja sodelovanja sem poskušala predstaviti na primeru policijskega sodelovanja med Slovenijo in Italijo. ; The international cooperation of the Member States of the European Union is of utmost importance for the effective functioning of the Union. Above all, it is crucial for the quality of life of people within Member States. One of the most important areas of cooperation that guarantees the quality of life and the safety of citizens is the cooperation between the police of the countries. The cooperation in question is not only important, but rather necessary, given the global dimension of criminality. Member States recognize the safety of their citizens as one of the main values and rights. In order to protect this right and to limit criminality, the European Union has adopted various instruments, measures and legal frameworks in the field of international police cooperation. It is also important that the various European Union agencies work to strengthen and direct cooperation between the police of the Member States. Examples of such agencies include Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, COSI, SEPA, CEPOL, etc. The paper also presents the role of Slovenia in these agencies and its activities in the area of police cooperation. This is done in a variety of ways and in various fields. I tried to present ways, forms and areas of cooperation in the case of police cooperation between Slovenia and Italy.

Doseganje ciljev trajnostnega razvoja (Sustainable Development Goals – SDG) bo zahtevalo več sredstev, kot jih imajo države trenutno na voljo, kar predstavlja izziv predvsem v državah, ki imajo sicer hitro, a hkrati ne vključujočo se gospodarsko rast. Gospodarska rast namreč ne pomeni nujno razvoja, kljub temu pa vpliva na to, koliko uradne razvojne pomoči (Official Development Assistance – ODA) mednarodne skupnosti bo država prejemnica prejela. Nekatere gospodarsko hitro razvijajoče se države tako na eni strani dobivajo vse manj ODA, hkrati pa ostajajo dom najrevnejšim predelom sveta. Ta pojav kliče po novih oblikah in načinih financiranja ter novih pristopih. Prostor se odpira zasebnemu kapitalu na čelu z zasebno filantropijo, ki je, predvsem v državah v razvoju, močno v porastu. Filantropija se na eni strani pojavi kot akter, ki ima velik potencial, da v veliki meri zapolni (in že zapolnjuje) vrzel pri dosegi SDG, na drugi strani pa ni zavezana slediti splošnim sprejetim smernicam trajnostnega razvoja (od držav). To filantropiji omogoča, da svoje delovanje usmerja na podlagi lastnih interesov, ki pa bodisi sovpadajo bodisi nasprotujejo skupnim ciljem trajnostnega razvoja. Regulacija na tem področju je šibka, pogosto se soočamo s pomanjkanjem razumevanjem delovanja filantropskih organizacij kot tudi s pomanjkanjem informacij o njihovih finančnih tokovih. Hkrati pa se je treba zavedati, da je z naraščajočim se zasebnim premoženjem v mednarodnem razvojnem sodelovanju in potrebo po dosegi SDG bolj kot kadarkoli prej pomembno razumeti obseg, potencial in vpliv filantropskih organizacij tako pri dosegi SDG kot v tradicionalnih odnosih v mednarodni skupnosti. ; Reaching Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) demands more resources than are currently available to many states. This is a particular problem in developing countries, which are experiencing fast but not inclusive economic growth. Even though economic growth does not necessarily bring development, it remains a standard which defines how much international Official Development Assistance (ODA) a country receives. As a consequence, some countries with rapid economic growth are receiving less and less ODA, while still including some of the poorest parts of the world. This calls for new approaches and sources of financing to aid in development, and opens the door to private capital, including private philanthropy, which is especially important in developing countries. While philanthropy is seen as having a lot of potential with regard to pursuing SDG, it is not obliged to follow the same guidelines for sustainable development that have been adopted by state organizations. This enables philanthropic projects to act in their own interests, which may or may not coincide with the SDG agreed for a particular place. Moreover, regulation in this field is weak, and it is often unclear how specific philanthropic organizations operate. These facts, together with the growing amount of private wealth directed towards international development and the need to reach SGD, mean that it is more important than ever to understand the scope, potential and influence of philanthropic organizations in terms of both SDG and the changes we are seeing in traditional relations among members of the international community.

Zunanji akterji igrajo poglavitno vlogo pri upravljanju in reševanju konfliktov, saj s svojimi kapacitetami lahko prispevajo k reševanju vzroka konflikta in k delnemu spreminjanju ter izpolnjevanju ciljev sprtih strani. Med najbolj trdovratne konflikte uvrščamo verske in druge identitetne konflikte, saj identiteta vpliva na prepričanje posameznika in skupine o svoji vlogi oz. položaju v konfliktu. Prednost pri zaznavanju in reševanju tovrstnih konfliktov pa imajo zaradi svojega poznavanja območja in akterjev predvsem regionalne organizacije, med njimi tudi države članice Sveta za sodelovanje v zalivu (Gulf Cooperation Council – GCC), ki so dejavne pri upravljanju in reševanju izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Magistrska naloga preučuje vpliv verskega dejavnika na vlogo arabskih zalivskih držav pri reševanju konflikta od ustanovitve Izraela leta 1948 do katarske diplomatske krize leta 2017 ter posledice razmaha šiitsko-sunitskega razkola na njihovo vlogo. Kot kažejo ugotovitve, so arabske zalivske države v obdobju od leta 1948 do leta 2011 vztrajno poskušale rešiti konflikt v prid palestinskega prebivalstva, z razmahom šiitsko-sunitskega razkola med arabsko pomladjo pa je iranska grožnja zasenčila reševanje izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Zunanji akterji, predvsem regionalne organizacije, so torej občutljive na mednarodno in regionalno dogajanje ter morebitne spremembe dinamike konflikta. Slednje posledično vpliva na vlogo zunanjih akterjev pri reševanju konfliktov, ki se v luči sprememb strukturnega okolja iz pozitivne lahko prelevi v negativno. ; External actors play a key role in conflict management and resolution, as they can contribute to resolving the cause of the conflict and partially changing or meeting the goals of the conflicting parties. Among the most persistent conflicts are religious and other identity conflicts, since identity influences the belief of an individual and a group about their role in the conflict. Due to their knowledge of the region and actors, the advantage in detecting and resolving such conflicts lies particularly with regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, which are actively engaged in the management and resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The master's thesis examines the influence of the religious factor on the role of the Arab Gulf states in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the founding of Israel in 1948 up until the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, and the consequences of the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide on their role. In the period between 1948 and 201 the Arab Gulf states persistently sought to resolve the conflict in favor of the Palestinian population ; however, with the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide during the Arab Spring, the Iranian threat overshadowed the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. External actors, especially regional organizations, are therefore sensitive to international and regional developments, as well as possible changes in the dynamics of the conflict. The latter consequently influences the role of external actors in managing and resolving conflicts, which can change from positive to negative, in the light of changes to the structural environment.

Doktorska disertacija preučuje specifično usmeritev mednarodne ekonomije, in sicer področje politik razvojne pomoči. Znotraj tega vsebinskega okvirja smo se osredotočili na njeno učinkovitost predvsem zaradi aktualnosti problematike kot številnih s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. Razvojna pomoč, kot osrednja tematika disertacije, predstavlja temeljni koncept, s katerim države poskušajo razreševati razvojne razlike v svetu. Preučevanje učinkovitosti razvojne pomoči je v okviru ekonomskih znanosti zelo perspektiven koncept, predvsem zaradi dejstva, da je prepad med razvitimi državami globalnega severa in globalnega juga večji kot kadarkoli, dosedanje študije, kot tudi modeli razreševanja pa niso ponudili učinkovitih rešitev za spremembe oz. izboljšanje trenutnega stanja. Vse omenjeno smo preučevali na skupini držav Afrike, Karibov in Pacifika (AKP) iz dveh glavnih razlogov. Prvič, ker je velika večina držav v skupini dolgoletnih prejemnic razvojne pomoči, in drugič, ker omogoča dobro podlago za preučevanje, saj v njo spadajo tako najrevnejše podsaharske države, kot tudi otoške države, ki so v zadnjih letih doživele hiter gospodarski napredek. Struktura disertacije temelji tako na teoretičnem kot tudi aplikativnem delu. V prvem delu, tako predstavimo temeljne teoretične pojme iz razvojne ekonomije odnosov sever-jug, zgodovino sodelovanja držav AKP-ja z različnimi mednarodnimi akterji in teoretične opredelitve razvojne pomoči in njene učinkovitosti. Drugi del je namenjen aplikativni raziskavi učinkovitosti politik razvojne pomoči. Države skupine AKP smo tako razdelili v dve skupini. V skupino A, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, in skupino B, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele manj. Predpostavljali smo, da so države, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, naredile večji razvojni napredek. Njihov napredek smo preučevali na petih ekonomskih in socialnih razvojnih indikatorjih: BDP na prebivalca, obseg izvoza blaga in storitev, smrtnosti otrok do petega leta starosti, rast pričakovane življenjske dobe in število migracij. Na podlagi pridobljenih rezultatov za posamezno področje smo nato generalno sklepali ali so politike razvojne pomoči dosegle svoj namen, torej ali so bile učinkovite. Iz vsebinskega vidika je disertacija izvirni doprinos k ekonomski znanosti pri preučevanju problematike sedanjega sistema podeljevanja razvojne pomoči in posledično njene učinkovitosti, raziskovanja razvojne problematike v državah skupine AKP ter predlogom razreševanja sodobnih izzivov mednarodnega razvoja. Prav tako zapolnjuje vrzel pri preučevanju koncepta mednarodnega razvoja s kvalitativnimi metodami raziskovanja, saj so obstoječe raziskave izrazito kvantificirane. Ker je disertacija napisana v slovenskem jeziku je tudi prispevek k maloštevilni literaturi na tem področju in k nadaljnjem raziskovanju mednarodne razvojne problematike in s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. ; This PhD dissertation studies a specific direction of international economics — the field of development aid policies, and focuses on its efficiency, mainly due to the relevance of the issue, since it is associated with numerous global challenges. Development aid, as the central theme of this dissertation presents the underlying concept, with which countries attempt to resolve developmental differences around the world. Studying the efficiency of development aid in terms of economic sciences is a very promising concept, mainly due to the fact that the gap between the developed countries of the global South and the global North is larger than ever, and current studies, nor resolution models, offered any effective solutions for changing or improving the current state. All of the above was studied on the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) for two main reasons: Firstly, because the vast majority of these countries is a long-term beneficiary of development aid and secondly, because this provides us with a sound foundation for studying, including both the poorest Sub-Saharan countries and island states, which experienced rapid economic development in recent years. Thus the structure of this dissertation relies on both theory and application. The first part presents the fundamental theoretical terms from developmental economics, North-South relations, the history of cooperation among ACP countries with various international players and theoretical determination of development aid and its efficiency. The second part is intended for applied research of the efficiency of development aid policies. ACP countries were divided into two groups, group A with those receiving the most development aid and groups B with those receiving the least. We presumed that countries that received the most development aid made the most progress. Their progress was studied according top five economic and social indicators of development: GDP per capita, exports of goods and services, mortality of children under five years of age, growth in life expectancy and the number of migrations. Based on data retrieved for specific fields, we generally presumed whether development aid policies had achieved its purpose – if they were efficient. From the substantive aspect, this dissertation is an original contribution to the science of economics in its study of the problems in the existing system for distributing development aid and consequently its efficiency, to research of development problems in ACP countries and to proposals for meeting the modern challenges of international development. It also fills the gap in the study of the concept of international development through qualitative research methods, since existing research is extensively quantified. Since this dissertation is originally in Slovenian, it also adds to the scarce literature in this field and to future research of international developmental issues and the global challenges they bring.

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.

Poljska predstavlja trg s skoraj štiridesetimi milijoni prebivalcev. Gre hkrati za državo izjemne geografske lege, zaradi česar je bilo to ozemlje v zgodovini predmet številnih vojn in konfliktov. V današnjem času pomeni ta lega predvsem prednost. Ima namreč neposreden dostop in možnost gospodarskega sodelovanja s številnimi gospodarsko ter tudi inovacijsko pomembnimi in uspešnimi državami. Inovativnost v podjetništvu se je posebej v zadnjih nekaj letih pokazala kot izjemna konkurenčna prednost. Postala je skoraj nuja, če želi podjetje rasti in se razvijati. Poljska se tega sicer zaveda, vendar v preteklosti njena inovacijska politika ni pokazala vidnejših pozitivnih učinkov. Ob pregledu dimenzij inovativnosti na Poljskem smo ugotovili, da so glede uspešnosti daleč pod povprečjem Evropske unije skoraj v vseh obravnavanih vidikih. Ugotovili smo, da bo morala država v prihodnosti storiti še veliko več, če želi izboljšati inovacijsko uspešnost. Država si je sicer skupaj z Evropsko unijo zastavila ambiciozne cilje in tudi konkretne ukrepe za izboljšanje stanja inovativnosti in nasploh gospodarske uspešnosti države. Lahko le upamo, da bodo tem ciljem aktivno sledili, saj iz izkušenj iz preteklosti vidimo, da ni bilo vedno tako. Če bi državi uspelo pri podjetjih vzbuditi pomen inovativne kulture, potem verjamemo, da bi se inovacijska uspešnost Poljske izboljšala. ; Poland represents a market of almost forty million inhabitants. It is also the country with exceptional geographical location and therefore in the history this territory was a place of numerous wars and conflicts. Nowadays its location is of foremost advantage. It has direct access and the possibility of economic cooperation with a number of economically and innovatively important countries. Innovativeness in entrepreneurship has been shown as a remarkable competitive advantage especially in the last few years. It has become almost a necessity if a company wants to grow and develop. Poland is aware of this, but in the past its innovation policy did not show big positive effects. When reviewing the dimensions of innovativeness in Poland we found that they are far below the European Union average in performance in almost all addressed viewpoints. We found that the state should do more in the future, if they want to improve innovation performance. The country, in cooperation with the European Union, has made ambitious goals as well as concrete measures to improve the state of innovativeness and economic performance generally. We can only hope that they will actively pursue these goals, because from the past experiences of this country we know that it was not always like that. If the country would like to be successful with its enterprises and increase the importance of an innovative culture, then we believe that the innovation performance of Poland can be improved.

Abstract in English"That kind of mother": Stigmatisation by the Russian child protection servicesHow does stigma influence the extent to which the child protection services in Russia undertake preventative work with vulnerable families in order to avoid taking the child out the family? Based on an analysis of previous research and my own fieldwork from St. Petersburg and Moscow, I note the gap between expectations towards vulnerable families, and their actual living conditions and potential for meeting these expectations. This gap results in a stigmatising categorisation of families who find themselves marginalised as neblagopolutsjnye – socially disadvantaged. Although Russia's officially 'family-oriented' child protection system is expected to base its work on objective methods, stigmatisation influences the decisions of social workers, making the system risk-oriented in practice. This is due to little or inadequate specialised education among social workers, resulting in the strong presence of the human factor: subjective, non-professional evaluations are made. With scant intersectional cooperation among state actors, there is little space to counteract or modify subjective evaluations. Thus, stigmatisation serves to limit the extent to which vulnerable families in Russia receive help, thus creating and upholding 'social orphanhood'.

Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.

Namen tega magistrskega dela je raziskati, kaj se dogaja z moderno nacionalno državo in konceptom suverenosti in samoodločbe. V svetu in v Evropi je danes vse več narodov, ki si želijo samostojnosti oziroma odcepitve bodisi od držav, v katerih živijo, bodisi od naddržav, katerim pripadajo. Najbolj aktualen primer je izstop Združenega kraljestva Velike Britanije in Severne Irske iz Evropske unije (EU) (brexit ). To bo prvi izstop iz EU, saj do uvedbe Lizbonske pogodbe leta 2009 možnost izstopa države članice iz EU ni bila nikjer jasno urejena. Po uvedbi izstopne klavzule pa ni več nobenega dvoma, ali je izstop iz EU mogoč ali ne. Zato magistrsko delo podrobno analizira, kaj bo prinesla sprožitev člena 50 Pogodbe o Evropski uniji (PEU) in razčleni postopek izstopa Združenega kraljestva iz EU. Osredotoči se na bodoče odnose med Združenim kraljestvom in EU ter predstavi različne možne oblike sodelovanja med Združenim kraljestvom in EU po izstopu ; razišče vpliv referenduma o neodvisnosti na odnose in razmerja med različnimi skupnostmi in narodi znotraj Združenega kraljestva ; prihodnost Združenega kraljestva kot zvezne države in ponovna prizadevanja Škotov za državnost in neodvisnost ter morebitno združitev Severne Irske z južno sosedo Irsko. Vleče vzporednice med "osamosvajanjem" Britanije, odcepitvijo Slovenije od bivše Socialistične federativne republike Jugoslavije , odhodom danske avtonomne pokrajine Grenlandije iz EU ter primerja njihove izkušnje in uporabo pravice do samoodločbe. Delo torej obravnava eno izmed trenutno najbolj aktualnih tem na svetovni ravni, ki bo nedvomno vplivala na usodo in razvoj številnih narodov. ; The purpose of my master's thesis is to examine what is happening with the modern national state and the concept of sovereignty and self-determination. In Europe, and globally, there is an historic trend of nations seeking independence or secession, either from the states in which they live, or from the "super-states" of which they are part of. The most recent example is the exit of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (brexit ). This will be the first exit from the EU, since the launch of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009 and will set out clear direction on how a member state can leave the EU. After the introduction of the exit clause, a route to exit EU was made available to member states who wanted to reconsider their membership. This master's thesis will take a closer look at the consequences of triggering Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the process through which the UK will pursue its withdrawal from the EU. It will focus on future relations between the UK and the EU and present various possible forms of cooperation between the UK and the EU after the exit. Master's thesis will also present an argumentation-based approach to assess the Brexit's impact on the nations leaving in the UK ; the future of the UK as a federal state, and the Scottish re-efforts for statehood and independence and the possible unification of Northern Ireland with its southern neighbour Ireland. Last but not least, will identify parallels between Britain's "independence" and the secession of Slovenia from the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the departure of the Danish autonomous province of Greenland from the EU. By comparing their use of the right to self-determination, we will see whether Britain can learn anything from Greenland and Slovenia. The master's thesis therefore focuses on dealing with one of the most important issues of our time which will impact development of many nations.

Raziskovalno delo se ukvarja z analizo financiranja lokalnih samouprav v Sloveniji in Makedoniji ter njihovo primerjavo. Sistem financiranja lokalnih samouprav je ključni stabilizacijski dejavnik, ki je bistvenega pomena za zagotavljanje učinkovitega sodelovanja državnega in zasebnega sektorja v zvezi z zagotavljanjem nujno potrebnih sredstev državljanom. Bistvenega pomena so lokalne javne dobrine in javne storitve. Sodobna lokalna samouprava bi morala zagotavljati javne službe, kot so oskrba z vodo, elektriko, plinom, telekomunikacijami, zdravstvom, šolstvom, javni prevozi, odvoz smeti ter zagotavljati nadzor in vpliv na te javne službe. Zagotavljala naj bi tudi zdravstvene prostore, stanovanja, predšolske ustanove, osnovne šole, domove za starostnike itd. Da bi lokalne oblasti zadovoljile povpraševanje in želje njihovih občanov, iščejo nove vire financiranja. V raziskovalnem delu smo analizirali lokalne samouprave, njihove prihodke in odhodke, strukturo in vire. Lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Makedoniji smo primerjali tudi z ostalimi članicami Evropske unije in na podlagi analize in smo ugotovili, da je Slovenija na področju sistema financiranja lokalne samouprave primerljivejša z članicami Evropske unije kot Makedonija. Na podlagi analize smo ugotovili tudi, ali so lokalne samouprave v obeh državah ustrezno in zadostno financirane. V skladu s predvidenimi pričakovanji je bilo ugotovljeno, da je v obeh državah zelo pomemben vir financiranja obveznih lokalnih nalog občine proračun države. To pomeni, da imajo lokalne samouprave premalo sredstev oziroma, da niso finančno samostojne, saj obseg primerne porabe občin ni skladen z njihovimi lastnimi prihodki. Posledično so potrebne finančne izravnave, ki jih lokalne samouprave prejemajo iz proračuna države. ; The research work deals with the analysis of the financing of local self-governments in Slovenia and Macedonia and their comparison. The system of financing local self-governments is a key stabilizing factor, which is essential for ensuring effective cooperation between the state and the private sector in terms of providing essential resources to citizens. Local public goods and public services are of paramount importance. Modern local self-government should provide public services such as water supply, electricity, public transport, garbage collection, gas, telecommunications, health, education and others, and to ensure control and influence on these public services. It should also provide health facilities, housing, pre-school institutions, primary schools, homes for the elderly, etc. In order for local authorities to meet the demand and wishes of their citizens, they are looking for new sources of financing. In the research paper we analyzed local governments, their revenues and expenditures, their structure and resources. We also compared the local self-governments in Slovenia and Macedonia with other members of the European Union and on the basis of our analysis, and found that Slovenia is more comparable with the members of the European Union, such as Macedonia, in the field of local government funding. Based on the analysis, we also found out whether local governments are adequately and sufficiently financed in both countries. In accordance with the anticipated expectations, it was found that a very important source of financing of mandatory tasks of local municipalities was the state budget, in both countries, which means that the local self-government are not financially independent. The extent of adequate spending by municipalities is not in line with their own revenues, which requires financial balancing that municipalities receive from the state budget.

Po terorističnih napadih Al Kaide v Združenih državah Amerike septembra 2001 se je dojemanje varnostni in groženj mednarodne skupnosti povsem spremenilo. Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov je že dan po terorističnih napadih sprejel Resolucijo 1368 (2001), ki opredeli napade kot oborožen napad na Združene države Amerike in kot ogrožanje mednarodnega miru in mednarodne varnosti. Nepredvidljivo in spremenjeno varnostno okolje v svetu je zahtevalo takojšen odziv. Mednarodna skupnost kot vir ogrožanja identificira Afganistan. Še isto leto so z mandatom Organizacije združenih narodov vzpostavljene Mednarodne sile za pomoč v Afganistanu, katerih vodenje leta 2003 prevzame zveza Nato. Misijo, ki se je zaključila konec 2014, v letu 2015 nadomesti nebojna svetovalna Misija Odločna podpora in se izvaja še danes. Odziv na sodobne grožnje države rešujejo v medsebojnih zavezništvih ter delovanju v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah. Članstvo Republike Slovenije v zvezi Nato je prineslo obveznost izpolnjevanja zavez, ki so bile podane v pristopnem obdobju ter kasneje članstvu. Kot polnopravna članica poleg tega sodeluje v procesu oblikovanja in izvajanja varnostnih in obrambno političnih smernic. Republika Slovenija svoje obveznosti v Zavezništvu izpolnjuje tudi s sodelovanjem v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah, kot so Nato-vodene mednarodne operacije in misije v Afganistanu, kjer sodeluje od leta 2004. Vloga obveščevalno varnostnih služb pred napotitvijo, v času delovanja ter po zaključku delovanja slovenskih pripadnikov v Nato-vodenih operacijah je izjemno pomembna in ena od najbolj učinkovitih oblik zaščite lastnih sil. Ob upoštevanju omejenih resursov je mednarodno sodelovanje Republike Slovenije ključno pri zagotavljanju tovrstne podpore v Afganistanu. ; After the Al Qaeda terrorist attacks in the United States of America in September 2001, the perception of the security and threats of the international community has completely changed. A day after the terrorist attacks, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1368 (2001) defining attacks as an armed attack on the United States and as a threat to the international peace and international security. An unpredictable and changed security environment demanded an immediate response in the world. The international community identifies Afghanistan as a source of threat. In the same year, under the United Nations mandate, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan was established and transformed in NATO-led mission in 2003. The mission that concluded at the end of 2014 was replaced today's ongoing by non-combat advisory Resolute Support Mission in the beginning of 2015. When responding to the modern threats countries develops mutual alliances and work together in international operations in missions. With membership in NATO, the Republic of Slovenia assumed responsibility for fulfilling the commitments made during the accession period in later on as a member of Alliance. As an Ally is involved in the process of designing and implementing security and defence policy guidelines. The Republic of Slovenia also fulfils its commitments in the Alliance by participating in international operations on missions such as NATO-led international operations in the mission in Afghanistan, where it has been participating since 2004. The role of intelligence security services before the deployment, during the operation and after the deployment is extremely important and is one of the most effective forms of force protection. Taking into account limited resources, the international cooperation is crucial for the Republic of Slovenia in providing such support in Afghanistan.

Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.

Globalizirani svet, v katerem živimo danes, je zaznamovan z gospodarsko odvisnostjo, ki jo lahko merimo z medsebojnim sodelovanjem držav. Zaradi tega je tudi gospodarstvo z leti prevzelo osrednjo vlogo pri diplomatskem delovanju. Razlika med tradicionalno in moderno diplomacijo je vse manjša. Gospodarska diplomacija je postopoma postala osrednja aktivnost diplomacije in mednarodnih odnosov. Analizirana in obdelana je bila na teoretičnem področju, kjer jo lahko razumemo kot sredstvo zunanje politike. To velja tudi za Republiko Hrvaško, ki je država z zelo dolgo zgodovino diplomacije. Že v času Dubrovniške republike je oblast prepoznala pomen mednarodnega sodelovanja za doseganje medsebojnih koristi. Tudi danes, v globaliziranem svetu, lahko prepoznamo pomen gospodarske odvisnosti in s tem tudi intenziviranja gospodarskih odnosov med državami. Da bi gospodarsko dobro sodelovala z ostalimi državami, je tudi Hrvaška razvila model gospodarske diplomacije, s katerim lahko zaščiti svojo gospodarsko rast in razvoj ter se pozicionira v mednarodnem okolju. Veliko vlogo pri tem ima Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica, ki je odprla svoja Predstavništva v različnih delih sveta. Cilj tega delovanja je promocija hrvaških podjetnikov ter privabljanje tujih naložb in s tem tudi večanje ugleda države v mednarodni areni. Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica ima velik vpliv na hrvaško gospodarstvo zaradi delovanja v tretjih državah, kjer sodeluje pri organizaciji sejmov in celotni promociji države. Tako delovanje Hrvaške gospodarske zbornice predstavlja most med državo in gospodarstvom in je zaradi aktivne udeležbe na mednarodnih trgih njeno delovanje velikega pomena za hrvaško zunanjo politiko in (gospodarsko) diplomacijo. ; The globalized world we live in today is marked by economic dependance, which can be measured by the mutual cooperation of countries. As a result, the economy has also taken on a central role in diplomatic action over the years. The gap between traditional and modern diplomacy is getting weaker, since they often overlap. Economic diplomacy has gradually become a central activity of diplomacy and international relations. Economic diplomacy has been analyzed in the theoretical field, is understood as means of foreign policy. This also applies to the Republic of Croatia, a country with a long history of diplomacy. The authorities in the times of the Republic of Dubrovnik already recognized the importance of economic dependance and thus the intensification of economic relations between countries. In order to cooperate economically with other countries, Croatia has also developed a model of economic diplomacy with which it can protect its economic growth and development, while also positioning itself in the international environment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce plays an important role with opening different Representative Offices all over the world. The aim of these operations is to promote Croatian enterpreneurs and attract foreign investment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce has a great influence on the Croatian economy, especially because of its operations in third countries. Thus, operations of the Croatian Chamber of Commerce represent a bridge between the state and the economy, and due to its active participation in international markets, its operations are important for Croatian foreign policy and (economic) diplomacy.

V institucionalni ureditvi Evropske unije je Evropski parlament (EP) tisti, ki direktno zastopa vse Evropejce, s čimer Uniji postavlja demokratične temelje. Pri tem igra pomembno vlogo njegova medijska prisotnost, če želijo politične skupine znotraj parlamenta svoje volivce povezati in jim učinkovito predstaviti delo te temeljne institucije. Dovoljšno pozornost morajo nameniti komunikacijskim strategijam, s pomočjo katerih občinstvo informirajo, želijo pa seveda (pri)dobiti tudi njihovo podporo ; govorimo lahko o političnem marketingu. V magistrskem delu analiziram, kako to počne Skupina naprednega zavezništva socialistov in demokratov (S&D) v EP, kako učinkoviti so pri komuniciranju z državljani ter kaj so pri tem izzivi in priložnosti. Analiza pogovorov z medijsko ekipo politične skupine S&D je pokazala, da v glavnem ubirajo tri načine: komuniciranje s pomočjo tradicionalnih medijev – preko sporočil za javnost, s povečano aktivnostjo na družbenih omrežjih in s politično iniciativo v obliki interaktivnih dogodkov po Evropi. Svojo komunikacijo poskušajo ne glede na kanal ali formo čim bolj poenotiti, jo narediti pan-evropsko in predvsem razumljivo vsakdanjemu državljanu, kar pa je zaradi kompleksnosti evropskih politik mnogokrat izziv. Nadalje sem ugotovila, da pri zastavljanju komuniciranja v imenu 27 držav članic pomembno vlogo igrata multikulturnost in večjezičnost. Kot najbolj učinkovit pristop v svoji komunikaciji so v medijski ekipi navedli čim večjo personifikacijo in osebni stik, za kar skušajo kar se da povečati sodelovanje z evropskimi poslanci. ; Among the bodies of the European union it is the European Parliament (EP) that directly represents all the Europeans, laying down the Union's democratic foundation. In that context, its media presence is playing an important role if the Parliament's political groups are to connect with their voters and effectively present to them the EP's work. A communication strategy has to be set out in order to determine how to inform the audience and, of course, gain their support ; essentially, we talk about political marketing. In my master's thesis, I analyse how the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) in the EP is doing that, how effective they are in communicating with the citizens, and what are the challenges and opportunities. I interviewed the S&D's media team, which showed me that they mainly communicate in three ways: through traditional media – with press releases, with increased activity on social media, and through a political initiative in the form of interactive events across Europe. They try to make their communication as pan-European and understandable to everyday citizens as possible, no matter the channel of communication, which is often a challenge due to the complexity of European policies. Furthermore, the analysis showed that multiculturalism and multilingualism play an important role when trying to communicate on behalf of the 27 Member States. Finally, personalising their messages as much as possible proved to be a successful approach, for which they try to increase the cooperation with the Members of the European Parliament.