Suchergebnisse

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.

The article contains a peer analysis of European primary legislation concerning enhanced cooperation within the European Union between the member states in accordance with their will on agreed issues. The research includes the forms of enhanced cooperation, the procedure of enhanced cooperation, the spheres of its application, the instruments of enhanced cooperation and the legal effects of enhanced cooperation both for participating and third countries.

The key issue examined in the article is to elucidate the impact of the cooperation between local and state authorities in terms of the efficient functioning of public power in the state. There are presented arguments in favour of the cooperation of the two forms of the public power, as well as the necessary conditions for this. There were highlighted the principles of the effective cooperation between the local and state authorities. It was insisted that any administrative control of the local authorities' activity should only take into account the respect of legality and constitutional principles. In conclusion, it is mentioned that the state power cooperating with the local one contributes to ensuring the integrity and unity of the state, thus facilitating the integration of the interests of the society and state.

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad
Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis
on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specificity of the Group's cooperation before accession to
NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe
and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most
important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4
countries against the background of the EU and selected member
states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region
are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the
Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The
fi nal part contains conclusions relating to the Group's activities
with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in
the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.

This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.

Strategies are usually long-term plans. However, many problems appear if they are considered essential issues of social life and economic security, especially considering the need to make choices concerning conditions of limited resources. Another issue is the dilemma of achieving individual goals in the conditions of global interdependencies. One of the key requirements of nation-states is to ensure energy security; therefore, governments are strongly focused on establishing a stable, enduring, and useful energy strategy. Therefore, the point of importance is factors that will be able to ensure energy efficiency, economic stability, security, and in parallel, sustainable developmentboth on the national and global levels. Drawing from the above, this study investigates the reasons for the indispensability to carry out an energy market systemic reform in Poland with consideration of economic argumentation. The theories of economic growth, especially of endogenous kind, is taken into consideration. It is also argued that to achieve sustainable economic growth and social development in the long run, it would be reasonable to simultaneously concentrate on human capital and technologies. More advantages will be gained through intergovernmental cooperation, within regional groups such as the Visegrad Group and at the supranational EU level. This conviction is motivated by the principles of public choice theory.

The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo's national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.

This article takes up the innovatory subject of cooperation in the
field of football and the tourism sector by the Visegrad Group states. The subject matter of this study has not been widely discussed in the literature, hence most of de lege ferenda postulates are open to further discussion. The current Visegrad Group was created as a political project, not an evolutionary social initiative. This does not mean, however, that the societies of its member states are significantly different from each other, and the structure itself is exotic. The benefits of an extended cooperation, which seems not to have an alternative, for all the participants are fully understood. Therefore, the direction of common
thinking about maximizing profits in the developing sector of tourism,
and making the most of the social potential of football, can be an attractive platform for international dialogue and extended cooperation among the V4 countries. The baggage of history, geographic and cultural proximity, the migration crisis, as well as the imperialist policy of the neighbouring Russia effectively motivate to strengthen cooperation and create stronger mechanisms with each other. It is indisputable that the tendencies for cooperation in the Visegrad countries are not a novelty.

Since 2015, Polish foreign policy has witnessed a gradual rise in
the significance of regional cooperation, as reflected in its enthusiasm for the Three Seas Initiative (TSI)1. The Initiative constitutes an in statu nascendi undertaking, one which aims to consolidate cooperation among states located in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. (In Poland, a popular acronym to denote the project is the "ABC initiative," which reflects the Polish names of these bodies of water [i.e., Adriatyk, Bałtyk, Czarne]. However, itmust be emphasized that the member states of the TSI do not operate invacuum, but rather within a broader institutional framework that includes the European Union, the Central European Initiative, and the Visegrád Group. This paper begins by outlining the prospective geopolitical determinants that will determine the success or failure of the TSI, with particular attention paid to issues of regional security. It concludes by analysing how the Initiative may become a new model for regional cooperation.

The publication examines actual issues of interstate economic cooperation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization member states in the framework of building new transport and communication routes. There was provided the analysis of the SCO normative legal documents in the terms of transport regulation, both road and rail, there were outlined the prospects and opportunities which emerge as a result of the signing of bilateral and multilateral agreements between the members of the Organization. The author describes the current situation of international transport communication routes and also reveals in details the initiatives proposed by Uzbekistan, pointing out his key role in the formation of new Eurasian transit corridors and arteries. Considering the issue of modern Eurasian interstate cooperation mechanisms'conjugation from an standpoint of creating and improving transport and logistics infrastructure, the author notes the possibility of implementing the initiatives of Russia and China on the SCO platform. Combination of such potential integration projects as the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) on the Shanghai Organization platform will create a new model of economic cooperation in the Russia-China-Central Asia triangle. The article also examines the measures taken by the SCO member states to build new and modernize existing road and rail routes on their own territories and on the territory of neighboring states. In the conclusion, it is pointed out that further positive shifts in the developing of the Shanghai Organization transport sector will largely depend on the ability of its participants to take a coordinated policy in the transport and logistics sector.

One of the foreign policy priorities of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia is to support the Eastern Partnership (EaP) programme as a strategic dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy and a key element of stability and economic progress in Eastern Europe. The Baltic States are of the opinion that relations with the EaP states should remain one of the priorities of the Eastern Dimension of the EU's foreign policy. The cooperation of the Baltic States with the Eastern partners results both from the ambitions and willingness to strengthen international prestige and role, as well as the need to ensure security and stability of the region in the context of Russia's aggressive policy. The 10th anniversary of EaP is an opportunity to assess the contribution of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the development of the programme and to discuss the future of cooperation.

The article describes the international cooperation of local governments, which are a form of decentralization of democratic states. This cooperation developed massively after the Second World War. Today more than 200,000 local and regional communities participate in it, cooperating not only by direct contacts, but also through various types of organizations and networks. This is a new and growing phenomenon in the international environment. On selected examples of Polish local governments, it is shown how strong are the positive ties between members of territorial communities from different countries, built by this cooperation. Their strength and nature are shown by presenting the activities of selected Polish local governments during the extreme crisis, i.e. the war in Ukraine. Thus, it was presented how Polish local governments help the attacked Ukrainians and Ukraine.

Assuming that social health status affects the level of human capital, the priority of every modern state should be to ensure that its citizens are provided with adequate health condi-tions, and thus a sense of health safety. Consequently, state activities aimed at managing safety in the field of health policy should translate into both productivity and working efficiency of society, which in turn should stimulate the economic development of the country. This paper attempts to present selected health safety measures to improve the health of the population with the example of the activities of the EU and public institutions in selected voivodeships imple-menting the principles of sustainable development and long-term investment in society. In this paper, an analysis of documents relating to direct actions with regard to this issue has been used as a research method. The conducted research shows that the cooperation of EU Member States creates a platform for cooperation on combating health inequalities and basic social determinants of health, the aim of which is to improve the health and quality of life of EU citizens, which in turn should translate into accelerating economic development.