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The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.

Military cooperation is an important part of international relations, alongside diplomatic, economic, cultural, and environmental cooperation. The invitation to the "joint soldier's table" brings armies together, giving them the opportunity to get to know each other. The military cooperation makes it possible to compare the structural arrangement of the armed forces, the training process, military equipment, and training experience. It is also an opportunity to learn about the latest trends in the development of combat technology. Due to it, the risk of an outbreak of open armed conflict significantly decreases, which contributes to strengthening international security. The military cooperation is a very important element of international security because "mature" states see in this form of contact both their interests and the interests of the partners. The history and traditions of Polish-Ukrainian military contacts are as long as the relations between the two nations. Intensive military cooperation dates back to the mid-sixteenth century. Its basis was the pursuit of military development of the Cossacks, which are a paramilitary form of self-organization of the local society. The next chapter of Polish-Ukrainian military cooperation began shortly after the end of World War I. While analyzing the political and military situation, the Polish state authorities noticed Ukraine's significance for the future balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe and its impact on Poland's security in the East. That was of particular importance in the context of the growing threat from Bolshevik Russia. The arrangements made on 14 January 1992 during the visit of the Minister of Defense of Ukraine Colonel-General Konstantin Morozov. In formal terms, the legal basis for cooperation was the Kyiv Agreement between the Minister of National Defense of the Republic of Poland and the Minister of Defense of Ukraine on cooperation in the military field which was signed on 3 February 1993. ; W ramach stosunków międzynarodowych obok międzynarodowej współpracy politycznej, ekonomicznej, kulturalnej czy ekologicznej coraz częściej podejmowana jest także współpraca wojskowa. Zaproszenie do "wspólnego żołnierskiego stołu" zbliża armie, dając zarazem możliwość wzajemnego poznania. Współpraca wojskowa umożliwia porównanie strukturalnego układu sił zbrojnych, procesu szkolenia, wyposażenia wojskowego oraz wymianę doświadczeń szkoleniowych. Jest też okazją do zapoznania się z najnowszymi trendami rozwojowymi techniki bojowej. Dzięki niej znacznie spada ryzyko wybuchu otwartych konfliktów zbrojnych, co przyczynia się do umocnienia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Współpraca wojskowa jest bardzo ważnym elementem bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, ponieważ "dojrzałe" państwa dostrzegają w tej formie kontaktów zarówno interesy własne, jak i interesy swoich partnerów. Historia i tradycje polsko-ukraińskich kontaktów wojskowych są równie bogate jak relacje między oboma narodami. Intensywna współpraca wojskowa swoimi początkami sięga połowy XVI wieku. Jej podstawą było dążenie do militarnego zagospodarowania Kozaków, będących paramilitarną formą samoorganizacji miejscowego społeczeństwa. Kolejny rozdział polskoukraińskiej współpracy wojskowej rozpoczął się tuż po zakończeniu I wojny światowej. Polskie władze państwowe, analizując sytuację polityczno-militarną, od samego początku dostrzegały znaczenie Ukrainy dla przyszłego układu sił w Europie oraz jej wpływ na bezpieczeństwo Polski na wschodzie. Miało to szczególne znaczenie w kontekście rosnącego zagrożenia ze strony bolszewickiej Rosji. Za początek kontaktów wojskowych z niepodległą Ukrainą należy uznać ustalenia poczynione 14 stycznia 1992 r. w trakcie wizyty w Polsce ministra obrony Ukrainy gen. płk. Konstantina Morozowa. Pod względem formalnym prawną podstawą współpracy stało się podpisane 3 lutego 1993 r. w Kijowie Porozumienie między Ministrem Obrony Narodowej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej a Ministrem Obrony Ukrainy o współpracy w dziedzinie wojskowej.

The European Union's competition policy is one of the most important elements in the functioning of the entire European Community (EC), as its issues oscillate around the shared market. The economic aspect is key to understanding the actions taken around the founding of the European Communities (European Economic Community of 1957). Initially, the EC was predominantly economic in nature, and only after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993 did the European Union reorient itself into a political community. This paper juxtaposes the impact of the European Union's and the United States' economic powers on global economic relations, with a particular explanation of the specifics of how the EU and the US conduct their trade policies, and how this implies mutual trade relations. Then, the European Union's competition policy and its specific features are discussed, which have a decisive impact on the emergence of economic conflicts between the partners from both sides of the Atlantic. An important role is also played here by the issue of ISDS (investor-state dispute settlement) mechanism and differences in the understanding of labor rights in the United States and the European Union. ; Polityka konkurencji Unii Europejskiej stanowi jeden z najważniejszych elementów funkcjonowania całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), ponieważ jej zagadnienia oscylują wokół wspólnego rynku. Aspekt gospodarczy jest zasadniczy, żeby zrozumieć działania podejmowane wokół założenia Wspólnot Europejskich (Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza z 1957 r.). Początkowo WE miała charakter w dominującej części gospodarczy, dopiero po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht w 1993 r. Unia Europejska przeorientowała się na wspólnotę polityczną. W niniejszej pracy zostanie zestawiony wpływ siły gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych na światowe związki gospodarcze, ze szczególnym wyjaśnieniem specyfiki prowadzenia polityki handlowej przez UE i USA, a także sposobu, w jaki oddziałuje ona na wzajemne relacje handlowe. Następnie omówiona ...

Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. ; The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security.

The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security. ; Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.

Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. ; The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security.

In the introduction the author underlines the importance and role of the foreign trade in the socialist economy. The rate of increase in the trade with abroad in CMEA countries ought to undergo a considerable acceleration and surpass the rate of increase of the national income and industrial production. In the course of the last years the socialist countries have done and still do big efforts aiming at extension and deepening of the profits of economical relations with highly developed West European countries. These efforts were expressed in active cooperation in bilateral talks that were to lead to liberalization of export to CMEA and EFTA countries, to the membership of GATT reacted by some of the socialist countries and in finished negotiations under the name of Kennedy Round. In that way we theoretically reached the approach to western markets — that in general depends on the quality of exported goods, their attractive price, short terms of delivery and profitable sale conditions for foreign contractive parties — this fact however does not solve the problem. Liberalization of import to CMEA and EFTA countries secures the approach to the west markets only in formal and legal terms. But there exists still another aspect of the problem. These markets got under control of the state and international concerns. The introduction of a new competitor is very difficult in that situation. A solution could be found in creating such a situation in which our presence on the West markets would be not only a competition but simultaneously a form of cooperation, profitable for our partners. Cooperation in the international scale would be the required form. Further on, the author discussed in the article three forms of cooperation: licence agreements in the branch of building and exporting machines, gadgets and agreements for cooperation with West enterprises in the aim of supplying on the markets of the third world. The author dealt as well with forms of scientific and technical cooperation and discussed profits of cooperation for both sides. Finishing the article the author put forward the thesis that cooperation helps to enliven the economical relations between East and West. Of course only under the condition that it will be only economical form of international cooperation with no political strings. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.

The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level. ; Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.

Thè article presents the problems of regional and border cooperation as the element of shaping the european unity. It is composed of three parts and contains concluding remarks. In the first part the author presents general legal assumptions and legal grounds for such cooperation, reflected in the Constitution of Austria. In the second part the author presents the participation of Austrian states in shaping and functioning of three Working Communities: ARGE-ALP, AGRE Alpen-Adria and AGRE-Donaulaender. In the third part the author presents multilateral and bilateral activities of particular states, and focuses his attention on the period of the early 1990s. In concluding remarks the author summarizes main theses of the analysis. They could be reduced to the statement that regional and border cooperation niay bring many positive effects, especially if it is well prepared and organized. Besides, a decentralized form of the state and the existence of strong regions is a basic prerequisite for the success of such activities, corresponding well with various recommendations and conventions of the Council of Europe. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article is an attempt to study possibilities of trade conversion in Poland and other CMEA member States to slow the increasing involvement in foreign debts in the socialist States and to reduce gradually their international payments deficit in the trade with the Western States. The author focusses on answering a question whether it is possible and to what degree, to limit Polish and other socialis States' imports from the industrial Western countries by means of intensifying international economic cooperation within the framework of the CMEA group of member States. The author dwells also on finding conditions and capacities of international coordination of trade policies of the member states on the Western markets and in the Third World. Coordinating these policies within the CMEA would maintain and develop such institutional, produetional and trade links which would bring about equal returns to both parts of the East-West exchange. It is understood that a consolidation of economic policies of the socialist States and a further intensification of economic ties within the CMEA is a main condition to start actions which would limit a destructive effect of the economic crisis in the capitalist world. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment o f enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form o f cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity of integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study. ; The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment o f enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form o f cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity of integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study.

While carrying out its tasks, the Polish customs administration collaborates with many entities – government administration authorities, local government as well as economic self-government. Constant cooperation takes place mainly with authorities and institutions whose tasks are associated with tasks which are being realized by the customs administration. Cooperation with local and state administration bodies and the local government takes place to a lesser extent. This cooperation is of supportive character. Another type of cooperation is the cooperation with local governments. Its character is intensive. The result of this cooperation is the implementation of a number of facilities for entrepreneurs dealing with foreign commodity trading. ; Polska administracja celna realizując swoje zadania współpracuje z wieloma podmiotami – z organami administracji państwowej, samorządowej, jak i samorządem gospodarczym. Stała współpraca prowadzona jest przede wszystkim z organami i instytucjami, których zadania wiążą się z zadaniami realizowanymi przez administrację celną. Współpraca z terenowymi organami administracji państwowej oraz organami samorządu terytorialnego odbywa się w mniejszym zakresie. Ma ona charakter pomocniczy, wspierający. Innego rodzaju współpracą jest z kolei współpraca z samorządem gospodarczym. Jest ona intensywna. Efektem tej współpracy jest wprowadzenie szeregu ułatwień dla przedsiębiorców dokonujących obrotu towarowego z zagranicą.